ئەرشیفەکانى هاوپۆل: English

Do You Know?

16/10/2026

UK households have paid extra £13,961 on bills since 2021 amid soaring inflation.

UK households have paid almost £14,000 on average in additional costs for mortgages, loans, energy and water bills over the past five years, according to a report from TUC.

According to analysis of official figures by the union umbrella body, British households have forked out an additional £13,961 on bills on average since 2021 – an extra £2,792 a year – amid soaring inflation triggered by the exit from the Covid pandemic and wars in Ukraine and the Middle East.

The report highlighting the costs from sticky inflation and higher interest rates, the analysis showed households with mortgages had spent on average £9,034 extra on repayments (£1,806 extra a year) since 2021. Those with loans had paid £1,911 extra in total (£382 extra a year).

Average rental costs have risen at a higher rate than mortgages, suggesting mortgage costs are being passed on to renters.

In the study of Office for National Statistics figures, it found households had spent on average £2,644 extra on electricity and gas bills since 2021 (£529 extra a year), and £372 extra on water bills (£74 extra a year).

The Tory’s solution:

call for 5-year freeze on minimum wage to tackle youth unemployment.

The call came in a report from the Prosperity Institute thinktank, which carries an endorsement from Andrew Sharpe, the shadow business minister. Sharpe said in his endorsement that it was time to take action to address the low rate of young people in work.

The paper recommends freezing the “national living wage” at £12.71 for five years and abolishing the Low Pay Commission (LPC), the independent body that recommends the yearly increase.

It also recommends returning employer national insurance contributions to pre-April 2025 levels and reinstating the two-year qualifying period for unfair dismissal, which was abolished under Labour’s Employment Rights Act.

The paper says a five-year freeze could result in an increase of about 270,000 young people in work, by suggesting that for every 1 percentage point increase in the minimum wage there is a a 0.37 percentage point decrease in the youth employment rate.

But it is clear that the British population will be much worse off under the Tories, as their previous experience of governance has proved. It can also be said that the Labour Party cannot go beyond certain limits, so the solution to these problems lies with the people themselves, by organizing themselves outside the control of the ruling parties and the authoritarian organizations. It is also self-confidence to take direct action to achieve their goals.

Student demonstrations and protests began in Albania

15/010/2026

Thousands of students took to the streets of Tirana on Wednesday to protest rising tuition fees, corruption and lack of jobs after graduation. Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama was re-elected for a fourth term in May, but there has been no change in people’s lives. Police launched a massive attack on the demonstrators using tear gas and water pressure, injuring six people and 23 policemen, and arresting 35 people. “This is a revolution. We are tired of peaceful protests. We will not stop until Rama resigns,” said Laura, a student. What is happening there complements a week-long series of demonstrations and protests by students in Paris and other cities.

A very big turn in the French demonstrations.

06/10/2026


French high school students have been protesting for two weeks. Their demands include large numbers of students in classes, lack of teachers, water leakage into classrooms, lack of renovation, lack of spending money on schools, etc

Tuesday’s demonstration took a major turn with the support of many university students and the Unions. About 5,000 people have been arrested since the protests began, 250 protesters and 750 police have been injured, schools have been damaged and 40 universities have been blocked by students.

The demonstrations have spread to many French cities and towns. No one knows where the future will go, but we know that France and Spain still have a brilliant culture of rebellion, so they are at the forefront of change and rebellion because of the brilliant history that has become a revolutionary culture that distinguishes them from all other nations.



s.

Popular uprisings over the housing crisis in Spain have brought down the government

05/10/2026

The housing crisis in Spain, like many other countries, has become a major problem, with rents rising by 80 percent in a decade, while housing costs have risen by 63 percent and 25,000 people are evicted annually.

The problems have brought people to the streets several times, but the eviction of 87-year-old Maricarmen Abascal, the disabled lady  , who has lived in the property for 70 years, sparked resentment and unprecedented solidarity and support for more than two weeks until the prime minister decided to table a bill to sortout this issue.

 On Friday, when he presented his bill to parliament because his minority government did not win enough votes, he decided to dissolve his government and call for a general election on November 29.

 The importance of what happened is not whether the party re-, but the importance of activism, direct action, cooperation and support of the people that can force the statesmen and authorities to admit their problems and must be resolved.  







Cultural Clashes, or Failures of Mutual Understanding and Conflicting Interests

Zaher Baher

Sep 2026

This article  argues that conflicts arise mainly from power, domination, political and economic interests, and the systems that turn human differences into division and violence. From an anarchist perspective, it calls for mutual understanding, cultural exchange, international solidarity, and the creation of free societies and communities beyond state power and hierarchy.
 

The phrase “culture clash” has been around for a long time, but the September 11, 2001, attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon made the idea even more prominent. On the same day, George W. Bush Jr. said, “Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life, our freedom itself came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly acts of terrorism.”

The idea of the “clash of cultures” later became more commonly known as the “clash of civilizations.” The idea became widely known after Samuel P. Huntington wrote an article in 1993 titled The Clash of Civilizations. In 1996, he expanded the article into a book. Huntington argued that post-Cold War conflicts would be driven more by cultural and religious differences than by ideological or economic differences.

George W. Bush’s announcement on the day of the September 2001 attacks marked the beginning of, or a leap towards, a different view and interpretation that could be used as an excuse to look at different cultures as desired. To the extent that the attacks were interpreted as a clash between different national cultures that did not like Americans. In Britain, it was interpreted as an attack on our way of life.

It was during the attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon that many politicians, journalists, and analysts became more familiar with the term “clash of civilizations” and began to talk about relations between the West and parts of the Muslim world, interpreting the attacks as a clash between them. Others, however, argued that this interpretation oversimplified complex political, historical, and economic issues.

Undoubtedly, differences between nations, ethnic minorities, and communities, as well as differences between tribes, give rise to different cultures. These cultural differences may sometimes seem unfamiliar or strange to people from other cultures and may give rise to either positive or negative reactions, depending on how they are understood.

When the concept of “cultural clashes” is used widely, and takes on an elastic form, it becomes subject to different criticisms and analyses. At the same time, many people have criticised the view that cultural differences inevitably lead to conflict. They argue that conflicts are not the inevitable outcome of cultural differences.

Today, the system, through states, authorities, official media, social media, the ruling class, and the elite, does not listen to these criticisms. Instead, it imposes its own views and interests through laws and legal provisions, while misleading people and preventing them from recognising the reality of domination. It is obvious that the system, with the state as one of its main pillars, takes advantage of divisions among people based on language, colour, skin, culture, and traditions, and treats them according to its own interests. However, language is important in expressing ideas and communicating with others. At the same time, language has sometimes been used to justify domination and exclusion. We hear this every day from those who benefit from the system, including politicians, statesmen, intellectuals, and journalists, and we can see how they use language to serve their own interests. 

There may be no doubt that the term “clash of cultures” has been used in Britain to describe the arrogance of the British establishment and the sense of cultural inferiority that some people in other nations may feel in relation to Britain’s dominant cultural and political position. This sentiment can be understood in the context of Britain’s imperial political background. However, the issue is not simply one of cultural differences or feelings of inferiority. It is also closely connected to power, who holds it, and how it is used by dominant states and ruling establishments.

I think British institutions are extremely clever and do not use concepts or terms without a flexible meaning. That is, words and terms can be interpreted in either a positive or a negative way. However, because Britain was once a powerful imperialist and colonialist power, I believe that, in their use of such concepts and terms, they often intend the negative interpretation. In other words, they use language in ways that can create divisions, justify domination, or present other cultures and societies as inferior.

Evidence of the above opinion can be seen in the use of the term “naturalisation.” The process of “naturalisation” applies when refugees come to the UK and are granted asylum. After a period of indefinite leave to remain, they may become entitled to apply for British citizenship. The process they go through is called “naturalisation.”

Defenders of the term argue that the word “naturalisation” does not mean that a person was “unnaturalised” before becoming a citizen. Its meaning comes from legal history, not from the ordinary meaning of the word “natural.” They say that naturalisation is the legal process by which a person who was not a citizen at birth acquires the same legal status later in life. Many legal scholars and governments also retain the term, supposedly not intending to make a judgment about a person’s values, identity, or humanity, but because it has an internationally established technical meaning.

It is true that, in everyday English conversation, the word “natural” means something normal or occurring naturally. However, the term “naturalisation” can carry a different implication when used in relation to refugees and citizenship. As refugees go through the naturalisation process, some people may interpret the term as suggesting that refugees only become “natural” or properly accepted as people in the UK after obtaining British citizenship. In this sense, the term can unintentionally or deliberately create a distinction between those who are regarded as naturally belonging to the country and those who are not.

Here I am talking about the term “culture clash,” which is based on cultural differences between nations. This would indicate conflict or misunderstanding between people from different cultural backgrounds. However, it can also be understood as an opportunity to understand the history and identity of different cultures.

When there is no understanding of other cultures, whether due to a lack of knowledge or deliberate ignorance, intense debate, anger, confrontation, and conflict can prevail and replace dialogue and understanding. What may be nothing more than a misunderstanding can therefore develop into difficulties or conflict.

Of course, there are some social or religious norms, such as ignoring women’s rights, inequality, forced marriage, child marriage, female genital mutilation, and opposition to homosexual and transgender people. These issues must be confronted, but not through violence or war. Certainly, when such customs and traditions are practised by some communities in countries such as the United Kingdom and other European countries, they can create tensions between these customs and the established customs, traditions, and social norms of those countries.

The failure to distinguish between genuine cultural conflict and misunderstandings of different cultures can make cultural conflict appear inevitable or impossible to overcome. This can be used to mislead people into believing that differences between cultures must necessarily lead to hostility or conflict. Politically, such misunderstandings can also be exploited to justify hostility, discrimination, and even violent conflict.

In contrast, talking about “understanding each other’s cultures” should emphasise dialogue, learning, and mutual respect, and encourage people to understand different customs or beliefs before judging them. Not understanding another culture highlights the need for education and communication. Respectful dialogue and a willingness to understand others can reduce prejudice and lack of knowledge about different cultures, and therefore reduce the risk of conflict. This does not mean that people have to agree on every value or custom. It is possible to deeply understand another culture while still disagreeing with some of its customs or beliefs. This itself would indicate understanding between people from different cultural backgrounds.

Can this problem be solved in the shadow of this system?

First of all, I must say that the phrase “clash of civilisations” has been interpreted in both positive and negative ways. The September 2001 attacks had a very negative impact on the way relations between different cultural and religious communities were perceived, particularly in the United States and elsewhere. However, this does not mean that all communities reacted in the same way. At the same time, many voices rejected hostility and discrimination and called instead for greater dialogue, mutual understanding, peaceful coexistence, and solidarity between different communities.  The problem is that the word “clash” itself can suggest conflict and confrontation, and in some contexts even violence. It does not necessarily encourage people to think first about dialogue, understanding, or collaboration. Therefore, when politicians or the media use the phrase without explaining what they mean by it, it can reinforce fear, suspicion, and hostility towards other cultures or communities.

When it comes to changing the term “clash of cultures” to another expression, many leftists, politicians, and scholars believe that changing the name alone is not enough. If governments, the media, or political movements continue to portray other cultures as the enemy, a new term may eventually acquire the same negative connotation. In other words, both the language we use and the way we use it matter.

They argue that more clarification is needed and that, in many contexts, a less confrontational term is preferable. A concept should describe reality as accurately as possible without implying that conflict is natural or inevitable.

It is a fact that language reflects how people think, and terms that suggest inevitable hostility can contribute, especially during periods of political tension, to generating belligerence and, in some cases, support for war. However, changing the wording alone cannot eliminate these risks, even if it is accompanied by more detailed explanations and responsible public discussion. Doing so may blur the issue to some extent, but it does not eradicate it.

Therefore, the answer to this question depends on the political views and perspectives of those addressing it. Many leftists and reformists have brought the term “clash of cultures” into mainstream public and political debate, mostly in the way I described above. For them, overcoming the problem depends on taking political power, changing the state, and establishing a democratic state that represents the whole population. In their view, the issue would then become a concern of the state and its institutions, creating opportunities for negotiation, mutual learning, and peaceful coexistence.

In my opinion, the problem is not just the terms, nor can it be removed simply through a change of political power or the state. It is also about how we understand the relationship between different cultures and peoples. From an anarchist perspective, there is no reason to assume that large, stable entities described as “civilisations” will not come into very violent conflict with each other. Having said that, however, this does not mean that we should overlook the importance of the relationships between people and communities, or the concerns that arise from them. In other words, it does not mean that all civilizations are naturally in conflict. There are undoubtedly Muslims who oppose Islamic authoritarianism, just as there are Westerners who oppose Western imperialism. There are also Muslims and Westerners who cooperate and live peacefully with each other.

I believe it may be more appropriate to replace the term “clash of different cultures or civilisations” with “conflict of power and interest.” Who can deny that the cultures of some Islamic countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, the Gulf states, and others, are very different from those of the United States, Britain, and other European countries? Yet cultural differences do not necessarily lead to violence or war. Countries with very different cultures can cooperate when their political and economic interests coincide. Whenever there is a serious conflict of interests or another major political dispute, however, their relationships can develop into a struggle for power and control, which in some circumstances may lead to war. At the same time, cultural differences can be used or presented as a justification for hostility, conflict, or war, even when the underlying causes are political, economic, or related to power and interests.

Human differences do not inevitably produce conflict. Conflict arises when differences develop into hostility between people as a result of systems of power, domination, supremacy, competition, and intolerance.

At this stage, while the state, class differences, and hierarchical society continue to exist, the anarchist struggle can include reducing the structures of power that turn differences and relationships between people into means of pursuing self-interest, domination, hostility, and violence. In other words, the task of the anarchist struggle today must be to encourage the creation of free societies and communities, cultural exchange, and individual independence and autonomy.

The struggle must be against power and the state in all its forms, and for international solidarity, rather than what is called today civilisation, nationalism, state power, military conflict and competition, hierarchical society, and religious or ideological power.

Power, State, and Class: the two Fronts of Anarchist Struggle

Zaher Baher

Jun 2026

We Kurdish-speaking anarchists often come into contact with Marxists. They accuse anarchists of identifying the state as the main problem of this system while ignoring economic issues and class struggle.

What we face today is not new. Anarchists have always been accused of this by many Marxists. Of course, this is not the only accusation. They have also been accused of rejecting organization, promoting chaos and violence, and many other things, none of which are true and all of which remain unsubstantiated.

To enter into this discussion, we need to examine the principles of anarchism and Marxism in this regard. Then, through the answers to questions and arguments, the entire foundation of both ideas can be revealed, allowing readers to judge for themselves and perhaps raise many questions as well.

Marxists believe that the existence of the state is rooted in the existence of classes, which leads them to the view that the state cannot be abolished before class society is abolished. However, the principles of anarchism do not focus solely on opposition to power, the state, centralism, and hierarchical organization. They also emphasize economic issues, class struggle, freedom, equality, and social justice.

In my opinion, this issue must be discussed very carefully and supported with evidence so that anarchism, its principles, and the anarchist movement are not misrepresented.

Obviously, Marxists generally insist on political power being held by the working class, and for them the existence of a workers’ state, or the “dictatorship of the proletariat,” is a necessary temporary or transitional stage. They view the existence of the state as a means of moving from socialism to communism. In other words, the collapse of capitalism and the abolition of class differences occur through this stage, during which the state gradually disappears and society enters the stage of communism.

The anarchists’ insistence on opposing the state and authority is an undeniable fact. This is why Marxists find grounds to accuse anarchists of being idealistic rather than realistic. They view all anarchist struggles solely within the framework of anti-authoritarianism and anti-statism, rather than recognizing class struggle and the other principles of anarchism for which the anarchist movement has fought throughout history.

An important point in the Marxist view of the class question is that, when they speak of this struggle, they are referring only to the struggle between workers and capitalists, or between labor and capital, and this is largely confined to the sphere of industrial workers. At the same time, they attribute the basis of all historical events to this conflict. They even regard the history of human struggle primarily as the history of class conflict, ignoring the issue of hierarchy, which is the cornerstone of class formation, as if the history of struggle began with the history of classes. For them, once the issue of class is removed, the issue of hierarchy mechanically and automatically disappears and is resolved.

Their view denies the fact that the history of conflict in societies has not always been between the oppressed and the oppressors. Rather, the history of conflicts and major wars has more often been between the oppressors themselves, between authorities and states. All wars were wars of power, not class wars. Internal social problems and class issues have been used as tools or strategies to obtain different forms of power, such as economic, political, and social power. In other words, the history of conflicts has not only been between labor and capital, but also between the oppressors themselves, including rulers, tribes, and states. These wars existed thousands of years before the rise of industrial society or before many sections of the working class even existed.

As I said earlier, Marxists had no evidence for their accusations against anarchists, neither then nor now. Most anarchist tendencies or traditions, such as anarcho-syndicalism, anarcho-socialism, and anarcho-communism, have not only spoken deeply about class struggle but have also participated very actively in class struggle. Moreover, anarchist thinkers such as Mikhail Bakunin, Errico Malatesta, Emma Goldman, and Alexander Berkman have themselves supported the labor movement to the best of their ability.

In response to Marxists’ idea of a state and a temporary state, anarchists have argued that what they call a revolutionary state will not disappear but will instead create a new ruling class. The validity of this argument was, in their view, demonstrated in practice in the Bolshevik state and in all communist and so-called socialist states, as well as in the emergence of a new class of state officials and in issues of centralism and the weakening of the labor movement. History, they argue, has shown that centralized socialist states become authoritarian bureaucratic powers rather than creators of a society in which workers are free.

Anarchists believe that hierarchy itself is dangerous and reproduces the power of a dominant centralized state. Liberation, they argue, must take place through horizontal mass organizations, revolutionary federations, revolutionary syndicalism, and directly democratic communes, rather than through a “provisional revolutionary state.”

There are two important points here:

First, anarchists maintain that there can be no genuine freedom for individuals, communities, or societies, nor economic equality or social justice at any stage of society, as long as power exists in any form or content. History has provided hundreds of examples of this. Therefore, the existence of power is the foundation on which all lack of freedom, economic inequality, social injustice, and oppression rest. In such a situation, these conditions will not collapse unless the main pillar itself collapses.

Second, all changes that can and must be made, such as social, popular, and fundamental changes, must be radical. This is clear to anarchists, and they know how to address it. Marxists, on the other hand, aim to solve the above-mentioned issues through states such as the dictatorship of the proletariat or a workers’ state. According to them, if the workers have their own state and control the power and laws of that state, then all problems will become easier to solve.

History has shown that since the establishment of power, and as it later consolidates itself in the form of the state, there has never been a power or government that has not intensified problems instead of solving them. Under such a state, there have always been people who are deprived of their rights, even if they are a minority.

Therefore, the program and plans of Marxists, as well as the principles of Marxism, not only cannot eliminate the issue of class conflict but also lead the power they take over toward violence and dictatorship, instead of leading it to its disappearance and achieving the final destination of communism.

A couple of questions arise here about the economic mode and the mode of power: Which is at the root of the class problem? Will the seizure of power come first and eliminate the economic problem and class struggle, or will it be through the elimination of power and the state that the class struggle is resolved?

In my opinion, these two questions complete each other. Economic inequality does not exist without class problems. Similarly, economic inequality is based on power. It is inequality that creates power, and it is power that creates, maintains, and perpetuates inequality. We can see this very clearly in a pyramid diagram. In this picture, we can say that the basis of power is at the bottom of the pyramid, and the economy and economic issues, with all their problems, are at the top of the pyramid. No matter how much the top of the pyramid is broken, as long as the foundations, walls, and pillars of the pyramid have not failed, the same structure can be rebuilt, perhaps in different ways and different forms. It is obvious the class issue and the economic problem are still there, and what has changed is the type of power, such as dictatorship, democracy, liberalism, neoliberalism, workers’ power, and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

As I said, these two issues are complementary and cannot be separated from each other. This has imposed a two-way struggle on anarchists, namely the struggle against power and the state, and the class struggle. Both go hand in hand, but it is true that as long as there is power, the economic issue remains problematic.

These two aspects of the struggle are both at the heart of the problems for anarchists. If the problem of the state and power is not resolved, the economic problem will remain the same. If the economic problem remains the same, the class problem will remain the same. While the class problem remains unresolved, it will certainly not stop there, and the problems will grow, and the gaps between classes will widen, as we can clearly see now.

Power and the state are the main pillars on which the system is built, and the system is the institution that is protected and developed through the state and takes root in society. Capitalism has neither strength nor power without the state. It is the state that gives it the power to grow stronger through the law, the police, the army, the intelligence network, the media, the courts, and educational institutions. All of these protect the system.

Without the state, its forces, and its laws, no corporation, company, factory, or institution can operate for very long in the face of strikes and occupations by its workers and users. It is the law, power, hegemony, and control of the state that prevent change, limit activities and freedoms, and oppose equality and social justice.

Finally, although anarchists and Marxists agree on the concept of a classless, socialist society, the root of their differences and conflicts lies in the first step toward the realization of that society. Here we see a major difference: for one side, the problem remains constant and grows, while for the other it is resolved at the root. For Marxists, class struggle requires the seizure of state power, and for anarchists, the seizure of state power creates a new form of oppression and betrays the revolution.

Interview with APO (Anarchist Political Organisation, Greece) at the IFA Congress

Interview with APO (Anarchist Political Organisation, Greece) at the IFA Congres

 

Interview with AΠΟ – Αναρχική Πολιτική Οργάνωση, Ομοσπονδία Συλλογικοτήτων – Anarchist Political Organisation – Federation of collectives (Greece), member of IFA

by Ouzo, Fédération Anarchiste Marseille – groupe Oaï

 

Demonstration during the first day of the International Fair of Thessaloniki, September 2025

Ouzo (FA) : Morning comrades, this interview follows the 13th Congress of IFA which you organised here in Athenes. Can you share with us the story of your organisation that is 10 years old this year ? From which political context it emerged? How are you organised as a federation ?

APO :

The Anarchist Political Organization – Federation of Collectives (APO), was founded as a federalist organization active in Greece since 2015 and a member of the International Federation of Anarchist Associations (IFA). Currently, three anarchist collectives participate in APO, two from Athens, the anarchist collective “Circle of Fire” and the anarchist collective “Omicron72” and one from Thessaloniki, the collective for social anarchism “Black and Red”. The collectives & groups are active also through their own squats and self-organized structures. More specifically, the collective “Circle of Fire” through the squat Lelas Karagianni 37 (founded in 1988) & the collective “Omikron.72” through the anarchist – antiauthoritarian center Antipnoia (founded in 2007), the collective “Black and Red” though the libertarian center No Pasaran (founded in 2023, after the eviction of anarchist squat Mundo Nuevo, which founded in 2015). The autonomous action of the collectives in the cities in which each of them is active and their participation in local actions, processes and projects contribute in the direction of common goals and strategies that emerge within the common project of APO.

APO is organized as a federation with its collectives being its cells, co-operating in a horizontal structure. It is constituted on coherent and adequate political agreements between anarchist collectives that shape their unified movement on a nationwide level through collective procedures in which they coexist equally. Since December 2015, A.P.O. publishes the anarchist newspaper “Γη και Ελευθερία” (in English “Land and Freedom”) and since December 2020 operates the website of libertarian counter-info “Land and Freedom”. Since 2017, we formed a specific thematic group against patriarchy by the women comrades of the groups and collectives of A.P.O. and has a stable and constant presence in the struggles against the state-capitalistic-patriarchic authoritarian system.

A.P.O. is structured on common political beliefs, principles and positions and aims to acquire more and more coherent political agreements in order to be able to formulate long-term strategies of struggle. It seeks to spread the proposals of the anarchist struggle in the movement and society and to form consciences. To contribute in this way, for its part, to the creation of a coherent, radical movement. A movement that will put a stop to any attempt to manipulate, hijack and mediate social and class struggles and to integrate them by reformism. A movement that will clearly promote social revolution as the only realistic way to their final liberation of the people from below from domination and will connect the partial struggles to the overall revolutionary target of overthrowing the state and capital.

The creation of the Anarchist Political Organization – Federation of Collectives ten years ago, is a political and organizational intersection of our functioning and action so far. This choice encapsulates conclusions and experiences from the struggles of yesterday as it is a product of critique and self-criticism while opening new perspectives for the transition from protest and rebellion to the ongoing struggle for social revolution. A.P.O. is the child of the social and class riots of December 2008 (taking under consideration the possibilities and also the limitations that were brought about) and of the great mobilization in 2010-2012. We are inspired by the libertarian movement of CNT-FAI, that through tough struggles, riots and mostly the class, social, political organization managed to make into practice the idea of general subversion of the state and capitalism and the development of social self-management.

Demonstration 15th years since the Revolt of 2008, 6th December 2023, Athens

Ouzo (FA) : Thank you for this. I know that you are involved in many struggles, the students, the squat, palestine, trials support… How do you manage to impose your anarchist agenda within these struggles that are too often co-opted by authoritarians, Marxist, leftists… ?

APO :

For us, A.P.O. is the vehicle of struggle for our constant and consistent intervention in the battles of the social and class war, from the struggles against class exploitation, state repression, fascism and war, against the plunder of nature, against patriarchy and gender violence to the struggles for the defense of public spaces, of the public character of education and health care and the struggles in solidarity with refugees and immigrants and political prisoners. For the more effective diffusion of the anarchist vision of a society of equality, justice, freedom and solidarity, for social and class emancipation, for the organization of the struggle for social revolution and the creation of a bridge between everyday struggle and the vision of anarchy and libertarian communism.

We seek to participate and intervene continuously and actively in the social and class struggles that are antagonistic to the state-capitalist plans, with the aim of radicalizing their content, the processes that frame them and the means of struggle. To interact with social and class projects, in every field of social life, in the workplaces, in schools, universities, neighborhoods, promoting the development of unmediated, anti-hierarchical and anti-institutional struggles.

Within these fields, we are constantly in confrontation with reformism, a perception antagonistic to the revolutionary perspective. Its actors – whether they come from the forces of the parliamentary left, or from the bureaucratic trade union leaderships or from extra-parliamentary bodies and alternative organizations – systematically attempt to mediate social and class struggles and their people, through the assignment of initiatives to “experts”, thus limiting the scope and forms of the struggle, and ultimately leading to denervation, their distortion and slander.

Therefore, it is our constant concern to fight against these reformist logics and perceptions within the struggles and to be constantly awake to prevent attempts to assimilate social and class resistances. Our distinct participation in the open processes of social and class struggle, with full respect for their autonomy, allows us to defend the self-organization and the unconstrained participation of all people in them and the choice of the means of struggle according to their capabilities. Through this vital interaction and the continuous enrichment of our political experiences, we constantly update our political discourse regarding the situation and the prospects of the social and class struggles today. At the same time, we promote the formation of stable structures of resistance in every social and class field, seeking to disseminate our anarchist positions and proposals, not only in the direction of highlighting the limitations of the partial struggles in the present, but promoting their continuous radicalization and connection with the overall prospect of Social Revolution.

Ouzo : How do you feel about IFA after this congress you organised ? Meeting each others was a strong moment of international anarchist cooperation. What are your perspectives as a federation within the IFA ?
APO :

At this point we would like to say that we have not completed our assessment as APO for the Congress of the International of Anarchist Federations that took place in early April 2026 in Athens. This process will be completed in the immediate future, where we have scheduled our organization’s Congress in early June 2026. For our part, however, we can submit a preliminary conclusions of this process, which we believe moved in a positive and productive context towards producing an international position on issues such as the intensification of state and capitalist brutality, the threat of generalization of war, fascism and internationalist solidarity among the oppressed, while offered interesting exchanges of experiences on the intensification of patriarchal violence and the plundering of nature and local peoples worldwide. We hope that this positive direction will continue, with joint agreements on additional issues and with initiatives that will have the horizon of strengthening anarchist positions, discourse and action.

Especially in a period where military operations are expanding abroad and state repression is intensifying at home, we believe that the need for the anarchist movement to be able to form its political value and ideological framework is even more acute, both to influence the consciences of those from below and to defend its positions against the attempts to impose foreign perceptions of the anarchist struggle and the internationalist struggle solidarity. On the one hand, the very dynamics of the changes and overthrows sought by the rulers require the rapid reconstruction of the current at an international level, the urgent need to expand the network of contacts and communication of anarchists at an international level is proven, with the main aim of exchanging experiences, informing about how authoritarian politics is shaped in every geography and the social resistances that are manifested in every part of the planet. In addition, the debate at the international level on the war treaty and the generalized threat of war is crucial.

It is literally a matter of life and death both for the movement and for societies and the oppressed, to be able to form and adopt as coherent as possible a stance amongst anarchists towards militarism, the threat of war and resistance to world domination. We believe that this can be achieved if the comrades in every geography manage to realize that as long as there are visible historical, political, social or even cultural differences between the individual societies (and therefore the movements) that are necessarily formed under the shadow of the nation state, which must be respected, at the same time today’s anarchist analysis ascertains a single state and capitalist condition that dominates and oppresses the entire planet. The deepening of the relevant debate and the corresponding cooperation of anarchists at an international level are basic prerequisites for the strengthening of the anarchist struggle, that is, the strengthening of the very social and class resistances that can protect societies from the threat of war and the intensification of exploitation and oppression.

Ouzo : Efcharisto para poli sidrofoi. Do you have something else to say ? A slogan to share ?

Thank you very much for this interview and we send our solidarity to the comrades all over the world who are fighting in every corner of the earth for a society of Equals, without exploitation and oppression, without masters and slaves, for the new world that we carry in our hearts!

As a closure, we will borrow a phrase from the indigenous Mapuche: MARICHIWEU! (“We will win a thousand times”)

Long live Anarchy!

.

https://i-f-a.org/2026/06/01/interview-with-apo-anarchist-political-organisation-greece-at-the-ifa-congress/

radio student

https://radiostudent.si/druzba/crna-luknja/voices-of-anarchism-2

 

ڕاپۆرتی ١٣هەمین کۆنگرەی فێدراسیۆنی نێونەتەوەیی ئەنارکیست، ٣-٥ی نیسانی ٢٠٢٦ , ئەسینای پایتەخت، یۆنان

وەرگێڕانی ماشینی

پۆستەری کۆنگرەی ئایفا لەسەر دیوار لە نزیک LK37 ئەسینای ٢٠٢٦

ڕاپۆرتی ١٣هەمین کۆنگرەی ئایفا، ٣-٥ی نیسانی ٢٠٢٦ , ئەسینای پایتەخت، یۆنان

ڕاپۆرتێک لە کۆنگرەی سێزدەهەمی فیدراسیۆنە ئەنارکیستەکانی نێودەوڵەتی (IFA-IAF)، ئەسینای پایتەخت

سێزدەهەمین کۆنگرەی فیدراسیۆنە نێودەوڵەتییەکانی ئەنارکیستەکان (IFA-IAF) لە کۆتایی هەفتەی ٣-٥ی نیسانی ٢٠٢٦ لە ئەسینای پایتەخت بەڕێوەچوو، بە میوانداری Αναρχική Πολιτική Οργάνωση – Ομοσπονδία Συλλογικοτήτων (ڕێکخراوی سیاسی ئەنارکیستی-فیدراسیۆنی بەکۆمەڵەکان -APO). لەنێو ئەو فیدراسیۆنانەی دیکە کە بەشدارییان کردووە بریتی بوون لە فیدراسیۆنی ئەنارکیکا ئیتالیا (FAIt، ئیتاڵیا)، فیدراسیۆنی ئەنارکیست (FA، فەرەنسی زمان)، فیدراسیۆنی ئەنارکیکا سیسیلیا (FAS، سیسیلیا)، فیدراسیۆنی لیبرتاریای ئەرجەنتین (FLA)، فیدراسیۆنی ڕێکخستنی ئەنارکیست، FAO، سلۆڤینیا و کرواتیا)، Федерация на анархо-комунистите в България (FACB، فیدراسیۆنی ئەنارکیست-کۆمۆنیستەکان لە بولگاریا)، فیدراسیۆنی ئەنارکیستەکان (AF، بەریتانیا)، لەگەڵ میوانەکانی تاکەکانی چاودێر لە بەرازیل (Aurora Negra & Terre Livre) و سربیا (Klasna Solidarnost). ئەندامانی فیدراسیۆن و گروپە پەیوەندیدارەکان لە مەکسیک، بەڕازیل، چیک-سلۆڤاکیا، ئەڵمانی زمان و کۆڕبەندی ئەنارکیستی کورد بەشدارییان نەکرد، دووەمیان بەهۆی نیگەرانییەکان لە دۆخی ڕۆژهەڵاتی ناوەڕاست. هاوڕێیانی کوباش بانگهێشت کران بەڵام پەیوەندیکردن لە کاتی گەمارۆی ئابووریدا تادێت قورستر بووە.

بۆ ئەوەی کۆنفرانسەکە بە باشی بەڕێوەبچێت کۆنگرە لە یەک شوێندا میوانداری کرا، کە سکوات لێلاس کاراگیانی 37 (LK37) بوو، کە بلۆکێکی شوقەیی سەرنجڕاکێشە و درێژخایەن، کۆنترین سکواتە لە یۆنان. نانخواردنی نیوەڕۆ و ئێوارە لەلایەن هەڤاڵانی ناو سکواتەکەوە دابینکرابوو و هەندێک شوێنی نیشتەجێبوون بۆ سەردانکەران ئامادەکرابوو. ئامێری وەرگێڕان بەکرێ گیرا بۆ دابینکردنی وەرگێڕانی ڕاستەوخۆ، هەرچەندە زمانی سەرەکی ئینگلیزی بوو. هەروەها LK37 شوێنی کۆبوونەوەی گشتی بوو ‘هەڵوێستی ئەنارکیستەکان سەبارەت بە ململانێ سەربازییەکان و هەڕەشەی گشتاندنی شەڕ’، ئێوارەی شەممە، کە لەلایەن APO میوانداری کرا.

کۆنگرەی IFA هەر سێ بۆ چوار ساڵ جارێک بەڕێوەدەچێت و کۆبوونەوەکانی نوێنەرانی دەستێوەردان (CRIFA) بەکاردەهێنرێن بۆ بەستنەوەی فیدراسیۆنەکان و پلاندانان بۆ کارنامە و چالاکییەکان، بۆ پەرەپێدانی بەڵگەنامەکان بۆ گفتوگۆکردن و دروستکردنی کۆدەنگی. بڕیاردان لە خوارەوە بۆ سەرەوە بە جۆرێکە کە فیدراسیۆنەکان سەرەتا بڕگەیەک بۆ بەرنامەی کار پێشنیار دەکەن و دواتر وەرەقە و هەڵوێستەکانیان لەسەر ئەو بابەتانە بەرهەم دەهێنن بۆ ئەوەی بخرێنە بەردەم کۆنگرە. کۆنگرە بە کۆبوونەوەی پلینۆم داڕێژرابوو کە هەموو فیدراسیۆنەکان ئامادەبوون، بۆ نموونە لەسەر بابەتی دیدگا ئەنارکیستییەکان سەبارەت بە یاخیبوونە جیهانییەکان (وەک ڕاپەڕین لە ئێران، ناوچەکانی دەریای ناوەڕاست، ماداگاسکار، ئەندەنوسیا و نیپاڵ). جگە لەوەش، فیدراسیۆنە بەشداربووەکان لە کۆنگرەکەدا بە هاوبەشی زنجیرەیەک وۆرک شۆپیان لەسەر ئەم بابەتانە ڕێکخست: سودان، ڕاستڕەوی توند، ململانێی پەروەردە، ژینگە، پیاوسالاری و توندوتیژی جێندەری و جیهانی دیجیتاڵی (ماددەی ئۆنلاین و ئاسایشی ئەلیکترۆنی) و هەندێک لایەنی کارگێڕی IFA تاوتوێ کران.

یەکەمین پلینۆمی ‘دژی تۆتالیتاریزمی مۆدێرن لە دەوڵەت، سەرمایەداری و جەنگ’ دیدگاکانی لەبارەی دژە سەربازییەوە هاوبەش کرد. تەوەرەکان بریتی بوون لە دژایەتیکردنی بنکە ئاسمانییەکان یان فڕۆکەکانی ناتۆ (ئیتاڵیا، سیسیلیا، کریت) و فراوانکردنی ناتۆ لە ئەوروپای ڕۆژهەڵات، دووبارە خستنەڕووی خزمەتگوزاریی سەربازی/ڕەشنووس (کرواتیا، فەرەنسا)، سەرکوتکردنی دەوڵەتی چالاکیی هاوپشتی فەلەستین (وەک یاسای تیرۆر کە دژی کردەوەی فەلەستین لە بەریتانیا بەکاردەهێنرێت)، زیادکردنی خەرجییە سەربازییەکان لەوانەش وەبەرهێنانی دوو بەکارهێنان وەک فڕۆکەخانە، بەندەری دەریایی یان سیستەمی شەمەندەفەر فراوانکردنەکان کە کرێکاران دەتوانن دەستوەردانیان تێدا بکەن.

لە کاتێکدا هەمیشە ناتوانرێت بگەینە کۆدەنگی، کۆنگرە پێشکەوتنی بەرچاوی لە کۆمەڵێک پرسدا بەدەستهێنا. بە تایبەتی فیدراسیۆنی ئیتاڵیا و یۆنان هەردووکیان هەڵوێستی وردیان لەسەر ململانێی جێندەری بەرهەمهێنابوو بە بەڵگەنامەکانی پەسەندکراوی فیدراسیۆنەکانیان لەگەڵ تێڕوانینەکان سەبارەت بە توندوتیژی جێندەری سیستماتیکی (APO) و ترانسفێمینیزم (FAIt)، بۆ نموونە لە FAI ئیتالیا: “ڕەگداکوتاندن و فراوانبوونی ترانسفێمینیزم و بزووتنەوە کەیرەکان تادێت پێویستە لە بەرامبەر چڕبوونەوەی ستەمی پیاوسالاریدا لە… قۆناغی ئێستا، کە تێیدا، لە ناوچە جیاوازەکانی جیهان، پەیوەندییەکەی لەگەڵ ستەمی ئایینیدا تادێت بەهێزتر دەبێت، حکومەتی مێلۆنی کردەوەی یاسایی تایبەت بە کارەکتەری پیاوسالاری و خێزانیی بەرهەمهێناوە بۆ پشتگیریکردنی ڕێژەی لەدایکبوون لەناو خێزانی نەریتی و بەرگریکردن لە خێزانی نەریتی و ڕەگەزپەرستی و پلەبەندی، لەگەڵ ئەوەشدا، تەنها میراتی مافی کاردانەوەش نییە نەریتی چەپەکان”. هەروەها FAIt زیادبوونی میلیتاریزەکردنی بەستەوە بە بەرزبوونەوەی کولتوری ماچۆ.

ئاپۆ تیشکی خستە سەر توندوتیژی پیاوسالاری، “لە قۆناغێکدا کە تۆتالیتاریزمی مۆدێرن کۆدەبێتەوە بۆ سەرکوتکردنی ئەو گەلانەی کە ڕاپەڕینن و دەنگی ناسیۆنالیستی و فاشیستەکان لە زیادبووندایە، ژنان، لە هەموو بەشێکی هەسارەکەدا، و بە تایبەتی ئەوانەی چینی پلێبی [چینی کرێکار]، ڕووبەڕووی مەترسییەکانی مردن و ئاوارەبوون، برسێتی و نەخۆشی دەبنەوە، بەدەر لە مەترسییەکانی توندوتیژی ڕەگەزی، ئەشکەنجەی سێکسی و لەسێدارەدان، وەک ئامرازی فەتحکردن و ژێردەستەکردن”. ئاپۆ تیشکی خستە سەر هێرشەکانی سەر مافەکانی لەباربردنی منداڵ لە ئەمریکا، و بەکارهێنانی سیستماتیکی توندوتیژی جێندەری وەک چەکێکی شەڕ لە سودان و فەلەستین، بەڵام هاوشێوەی ئەوەی لە ئیتاڵیادا هەیە، ناسیۆنالیستەکان ڕوو لە ‘سروشتی مێینە’ دەکەن بۆ ئەوەی ڕۆڵێک بۆ دایکایەتی لە بەرژەوەندی نیشتمانیدا دووپات بکەنەوە.

وۆرک شۆپی ‘سەرهەڵدانی ڕاستی دوور، و وەڵامدانەوەی دژە فاشیست’ لەلایەن AF و FA پێشکەشکرا. ئەی ئێف چوارچێوەی سەرهەڵدانی ڕیفۆرم بەریتانیای بەکارهێنا بۆ تاوتوێکردنی لایەنە کولتوورییەکانی ئایدۆلۆژیا و چالاکییە ڕاستڕەوە توندڕەوەکان. گرنگییەکی زۆر بە بەکارهێنانی یاساکانی نەزمی گشتی لە بەریتانیادا هەبوو بۆ سنووردارکردنی ناڕەزایەتییەکان. لە کاتێکدا دەستگیرکردنی پێشوەختە لە ڕێگەی تۆمەتی پیلانگێڕییەوە لە بەریتانیا شتێکی نوێ نییە، بەڵام پێدەچێت ئەمە قورستر بێت بۆ دەوڵەت ڕەوایەتی بدات لەو وڵاتانەی کە مێژووی دیکتاتۆرییەت هەبووە یان تەنانەت وەک بەشێک لە دەستوور باسی دژە فاشیزمیش کراوە. لە ئیتالیا و یۆنان ڕەگ و ڕیشەی دیکتاتۆریەتی فاشیستەکان قووڵە. بەڵام لە ڕووی کولتوورییەوە بابەتگەلێکی فاشیستی وەک ‘خودا، وڵات و خێزان’ دەگەڕێنەوە و ئێستا ئەنارکیستەکان و ناوچەکانیان بە تایبەتی لەلایەن پۆلیسەوە دەکرێنە ئامانج لە سەردەمی سەرکردایەتی ڕاستڕەوی توندڕەوی مێلۆنی لە ئیتاڵیا. هەرچەندە سەردەمی گەشەسەندنی بەرەبەیانی زێڕین لە یۆنان لە ڕابردوودایە، بەڵام بەشێکی بەهۆی سەرکوتکردنیان لەلایەن دەوڵەتەوە دوای کوشتنی گۆرانیبێژێکی دژە فاشیست، بەڵام پەیوەندی ئەندامەکانیان بە ‘ڕووی نەرم’ی ڕاستڕەوی توندڕەوەوە کە زیاتر میدیا دۆستانە، نەماوە. 

لە کاتێکدا کە ڕەنگە لە هەندێک وڵاتدا بتوانرێت سەرنجی مێژوو ڕابکێشرێت، بەڵام لە بەرازیل و بولگاریا و سربیا هەڕەشەی توندوتیژیی نیونازی لەسەر شەقام تا ئەمڕۆش مەترسییەکی گەورەیە چونکە بە ئاشکرا کاردەکەن و ڕووداوەکان کۆدەبنەوە یان ڕووداوەکان دەخەنە ڕوو، هەروەها ڕاستەوخۆ هێرش دەکەنە سەر ئەنارکیستەکان و هەندێکجاریش کوشتنیان لەسەر شەقامەکان هەیە. ئەنارکیستەکان لە بەرامبەردا ڕێگەی داهێنەرانەیان دۆزیوەتەوە بۆ بەرەنگاربوونەوەی ئەوان وەک هاندانی چینەکانی بەرگریکردن لە خۆیان بەکۆمەڵ لە گەڕەکەکاندا، وەک لە کۆمەڵگە فاڤێلاکانی بەرازیل. 

وۆرک شۆپی پەروەردە دەرفەتێکی گرنگ بوو بۆ تێگەیشتن لە گۆڕانکارییەکانی یۆنان کە مۆدێلی هاوبەشی تایبەت بەسەر قوتابخانە ئامادەییەکاندا دەسەپێندرێت و ئەو مامۆستایانەی کە بەرەنگاری بە تایبەتکردن دەبنەوە و زیادبوونی بەکارهێنانی هەڵسەنگاندنی چڕ بۆ قوتابیان لە سەرانسەری مەودای تەمەنەکاندا دەبنە قوربانی. هەروەها مەترسی لەسەر ڕێکخستنی ئەنارکیستی لە زانکۆکاندا زیاد دەکات. بۆیە پێویستی سەندیکای بنەڕەتی بەهێز زۆر گرنگە. لە لایەنی هاندەری شتەکانەوە کۆنگرێس بیستوویەتی دەربارەی قوتابخانەیەکی ئامادەیی بێبەرامبەر Escula Libre de Constitution (ELC) لە بوینس ئایرێس لە ئەرجەنتین کە ئامانجی بەکارهێنانی شێوازە ئەنارکیستەکانی خوێندنە لەگەڵ منداڵانی تەمەن ١٦-١٨ ساڵ و هەروەها تاقیگەی پەروەردەی ئەنارکیست (LEA) لە ساوپاولۆی بەرازیل لە سەنتەری ڕۆشنبیری کۆمەڵایەتی (CCS). دەستپێشخەری LEA کە لەلایەن کتێبخانەی تێرا لیڤرەوە ئەنجامدراوە، ئامانجی لێکۆڵینەوە و بەرهەمهێنان و تاقیکردنەوەی پراکتیکەکانی پێداگۆژییە بۆ منداڵان، لەوانەش بەکارهێنانیان لە پێشانگە کتێبییە ئەنارکیستییەکان بۆ ئاسانکاریکردنی بەشداریکردنی مانادار بۆ منداڵان لەو بۆنانەدا.

دانیشتنی وۆرکشۆپەکە لەسەر ‘تاڵانکردنی سروشت’ لەلایەن ئاپۆوە پێشکەشکرا کە تیشک خرایە سەر کێشە سیاسی و کولتووری و کۆمەڵایەتییەکانی دەوروبەری قەیرانی کەشوهەوا و تاڵانکردنی سروشت و کۆمەڵگا ناوخۆییەکان لەلایەن دەوڵەت و پایتەختەوە. لە دانیشتنەکەدا باس لە دژایەتییە جەماوەرییەکان بۆ دەرهێنانی سەرچاوەکان، سەرمایەداریی ‘سەوز’ و کۆنترۆڵکردنی سروشت و پێکهاتە ناوخۆییەکان لەخۆگرتبوو. هەروەها لە دانیشتنەکەدا باس لە زیادکردنی شارنشینی و بازرگانیکردن و جەنتریفیکاسیۆن کرا. پەیوەندی بەهێز بە دژە سەربازییەوە دروستکرا سەبارەت بە ناڕەزایەتییەکان دژی گەشەپێدانی ژێرخانی. کێشەکانی وەبەرهێنانی گۆڕانی کەشوهەوا لە 

لە کۆتایی کۆتایی هەفتەدا کۆنگرەی ١٣ ی فێدراسیۆنی نێونەتەوەیی ئەنارکیست بەیاننامەیەکی هاوبەشی بەرهەمهێنا ‘دژی دیکتاتۆری جیهانی دەوڵەت و سەرمایەداری، دژی شەڕ و فاشیزم’ کە تیایدا تیشک خرایە سەر دژە سەربازیی، کە پەیوەست بوو بە دانیشتنی پلینۆمەوە. هەروەها بەیاننامەیەکی هاودەنگی بۆ ئەنارکیستەکانی کوبا بەرهەم هێنا. هەردووکیان پێش بڵاوکردنەوەیان لەلایەن فیدراسیۆنەکانی IFA پەسەند دەکرێن. چەپڵەیەکی گەورە بیسترا کاتێک کلاسنا سۆلیدارنۆست (سربیا) نیازی خۆیان ڕاگەیاند بۆ ئەوەی داواکاری پێشکەش بکەن بۆ پەیوەندیکردن بە IFA وەک گروپێکی پەیوەندیدار (ستاتۆیەک کە بۆ ئەو گروپانە بەکاردەهێنرێت کە مەبەستیان گەشەکردنە بۆ فیدراسیۆن). شوێنێک بۆ کۆنگرەی داهاتوو پێشنیار کرا لە کاتێکدا یەکێتی تۆپی پێی ئینگلتەرا ڕەزامەندی دەربڕی لەسەر وەرگرتنی ڕۆڵی سکرتاریەت دوای کارە باشەکانی ڕێکخراوی FAO لە چەند ساڵی ڕابردوودا. پلانێک بۆ ئەنجامدانی کۆبوونەوەیەکی دیکە لە دەریای ناوەڕاست ڕێککەوتن کرا هەروەها ژمارەیەکی داهاتووی گۆڤاری ئایفا سەبارەت بە دیدگا دژە سەربازییەکان، کە فیدراسیۆنە ئەندامانی ئایفا بابەتەکانیان پێشکەش دەکەن. دوابەدوای وۆرک شۆپی زانیاری لەسەر سودان لەلایەن FAS و FA لە کۆنگرێسدا، پۆستەرێکی هاودەنگی نوێ پێشکەشکرا، کە تیشکی خستە سەر خەباتە ئەنارکیستەکانی سودان. دوای کۆتایی هەفتە کۆبوونەوەیەکی هاوپشتی کۆچبەرانی سودان لە ئەسینای پایتەخت بەڕێوەچوو کە دەرفەتێکی بۆ ئەوانەی زیاتر دەمێننەوە بۆ ئەوەی زیاتر دەربارەی دۆخەکە بزانن. هەروەها هاوڕێیانی ئایفا لەلایەن ڕێکخراوی FAO بانگهێشت کران بۆ پێشانگای داهاتووی کتێبی ئەنارکیستی بەڵکان لە شاری سکۆپی لە مەقدۆنیا لە مانگی ئەیلولدا. کۆنگرەکە بە ڕێزلێنانێکی ژاوەژاو بۆ هاوڕێی یەکێتی ئینگلتەرا ژان مارک ڕینۆ – دامەزرێنەری چاپە ئازادیخوازەکان و قوتابخانەی ئەنارکیستی “بۆن ئەڤێنتۆر” – کە لە کۆتایی مانگی ئازاردا کۆچی دوایی کرد، کۆتایی هات.

+++++++++++++++++++++

IFA congress posters on wall near LK37 Athens 2026

Report from the 13th IFA Congress, 3-5 April 2026 , Athens, Greece

A report from the 13th Congress of the International of Anarchist Federations (IFA-IAF), Athens

The 13th Congress of the International of Anarchist Federations (IFA-IAF) took place in Athens on the weekend of 3-5 April 2026, hosted by Αναρχική Πολιτική Οργάνωση – Ομοσπονδία Συλλογικοτήτων (Anarchist Political Organisation-Federation of Collectives -APO). Amongst the other federations which participated were Federazione Anarchica Italiana (FAIt, Italy),  Fédération Anarchiste (FA, French-speaking), Federazione Anarchica Siciliana (FAS, Sicily), Federación Libertaria Argentina (FLA), Federacija za anarhistično organiziranje (Federation for Anarchist Organizing, FAO, Slovenia & Croatia), Федерация на анархо-комунистите в България (FACB, Federation of Anarchist-communists in Bulgaria), Anarchist Federation (AF, Britain), with guests from observing individuals from Brazil (Aurora Negra & Terre Livre) and Serbia (Klasna Solidarnost).  Federation members and associated groups from Mexico, Brazil, Czech-Slovak, German-speaking and Kurdish Anarchist Forum did not participate, the latter due to concerns about the situation in the Middle East. Cuban comrades were also invited but contact has been increasingly difficult during the economic blockade.

To make the conference run smoothly the Congress was hosted at a single venue, the squat Lelas Karagianni 37 (LK37), an impressive long-standing apartment block, the oldest squat in Greece. Lunch and dinner were provided by comrades in the squat and some accommodation was made available to visitors. Translation equipment was hired to provide live translation, although the main language was English. LK37 was also the venue of a public meeting ‘The position of anarchists on military conflicts and the threat of generalisation of war’, on the Saturday evening, hosted by APO.

The IFA Congress takes place every three to four years with intervening delegate meetings (CRIFA) being used to connect the federations and plan agendas and activities, to develop documents for discussion and consensus building. The decision-making is bottom up such that federations initially propose items for the agenda and then produce their papers and positions on those topics to be presented to the congress. The congress was structured with plenary sessions with all federations present, for example, on the subject of anarchist perspectives on worldwide insurrections (such as the uprising in Iran, areas of the Mediterranean, Madagascar, Indonesia and Nepal). In addition, participating federations to the congress co-organised a series of workshops on the following topics: Sudan, the far right, education struggles, environment, patriarchy & gender violence and the digital world (online materials and cybersecurity) and some administrative aspects of IFA were discussed.

The first plenary ‘Against modern totalitarianism of State, Capitalism and War’ shared perspectives on anti-militarism. Themes included opposition to NATO air bases or planes (Italy, Sicily, Crete) and NATO expansion in Eastern Europe, reintroduction of military service/draft (Croatia, France), state suppression of Palestine solidarity activity (such as the terrorism law used against Palestine Action in UK), increased military spending including dual-use investments such as airport, sea port or rail system expansions that workers could intervene in.

Whilst it is not always possible to reach consensus, the congress made significant progress on a number of issues. In particular the Italian and Greek federations had both produced detailed positions on gender struggles with documents approved by their federations with insights on systemic gender violence (APO) and transfeminism (FAIt), for example from FAI Italy: “The rooting and expansion of transfeminism and queer movements is increasingly indispensable in the face of the intensification of patriarchal oppression in the current phase, in which, in various parts of the world, its link with religious oppression is increasingly strong. In Italy, the Meloni government has produced specific legislative acts of a patriarchal and familist character to support the birth rate within the traditional family. Familism and the defence of the traditional, sexist and hierarchical family, however, are not only the heritage of the reactionary right, because there is also a familism in the tradition of the left.” The FAIt also linked increased militarisation to a rise in macho culture.

APO focussed on patriarchal violence, “In a period in which modern totalitarianism is mobilized to suppress the peoples who revolt and nationalist and fascist voices are increasing, women, in every part of the planet, and especially those of the plebeian [working class] strata, are faced, beyond the risk of death, displacement, hunger and disease, with the daily threat of gender-based violence, sexual torture and executions, as tools of conquest and subjugation.” APO highlighted attacks on abortion rights in USA, and the systematic use of gender violence as a weapon of war in Sudan and Palestine, but also similarly to that in Italy, nationalists’ turn to ‘female nature’ to assert a role for motherhood in the national interest.

The ‘Rise of the Far Right, and Anti-fascist Response’ workshop was presented by the AF and FA. AF used the context of the rise of Reform UK to discuss cultural aspects of far right ideologies and activity. There was great interest in the use of public order laws in Britain to limit protest. Whilst pre-emptive arrest via conspiracy charge is not new in the UK, this appears harder for the state to justify in countries where there has been a history of dictatorship or where anti-fascism is even mentioned as part of the constitution. In Italy and Greece the roots from fascist dictatorships run deep. But culturally fascist themes such as ‘God, Country and Family’ are coming back, and now anarchists and their locales are being specifically targeted by the police during the far-right leadership of Meloni in Italy. Although the heyday of Golden Dawn in Greece is in the past, in part due to their suppression by the state after their murder of an anti-fascist singer, their members’ links to the more media friendly ‘soft face’ far right have not disappeared.

Whilst it may be possible to appeal to history in some countries, in Brazil, Bulgaria and Serbia the threat of neo-nazi violence on the street is still today a big threat because they operate and meet or put on events openly, as well as directly attacking and sometimes murdering anarchists on the streets. Anarchists have in turn found creative ways to combat them such as encouraging mass self-defence classes in neighbourhoods, such as in Brazil favela communities.

The education workshop was an important opportunity to understand the changes in Greece where private partnership models are being imposed on high schools and teachers who are resisting privatization and the increased use of intensive evaluation of pupils across the age range are being victimised. There is also increased threat to anarchist organising in universities.  Therefore the need for strong base unions is vitally important. On the encouraging side of things Congress heard about a free high school Escula Libre de Constitucion (ELC) in Buenos Aires, Argentina that is aimed at using anarchist methods of schooling with 16-18 year olds and also the Anarchist Education Laboratory (LEA) in São Paulo, Brazil at the Social Culture Center (CCS).  The LEA initiative, carried out by the Terra Livre Library, aims to study, produce, and experiment with pedagogical practices for children, including their use at anarchist bookfairs to facilitate meaningful input of children at those events.

The workshop session on ‘Plundering of Nature’ was introduced by APO focussed on political, cultural and social problems surrounding the climate crisis and the plundering of nature and local communities by the state and capital. The session included discussion of popular oppositions to resource extraction, ‘green’ capitalism and control over nature and local communities. The session also discussed increased urbanisation, commercialisation and gentrification. Strong links were made to anti-militarism regarding protests against infrastructural development. Problems with the $1T UN ‘2030 Agenda’ climate change investment were highlighted.

At the end of the weekend the 13th IFA congress produced a joint statement ‘Against Global Dictatorship of State and Capitalism, against War and Fascism’ focussed on anti-militarism, linked to the plenary session. It also produced a solidarity statement for the Cuban anarchists. Both will be ratified by the IFA federations before publication. Great applause was heard as Klasna Solidarnost (Serbia) announced their intention to apply to join IFA as an associated group (a status that is used for groups who have the intention of growing into a federation).  A venue for the next congress was proposed whilst the FA agreed to take on the Secretariat role after the good work of FAO over the last few years. A plan to hold another meeting in the Mediterranean was agreed as was a forthcoming issue of the IFA journal on anti-militarist perspectives, where IFA member federations will present articles. Following the informative workshop on Sudan by FAS and FA at the Congress, a new solidarity poster was presented, highlighting Sudanese anarchist struggles. After the weekend a Sudanese migrant solidarity meeting was held in Athens which gave an opportunity for those staying longer to learn more about the situation. IFA comrades were also invited by FAO to the next Balkan Anarchist Bookfair in Skopie, Macedonia in September. The congress concluded with a noisy tribute to FA comrade Jean-Marc Raynaud – founder of Libertarian Editions and the anarchist school “Bonne Aventure” – who died at the end of March.

هاوپشتی لەتەک خەڵکی کوبا و هاوڕێ ئەنارکیستەکانمان

وەرگێرانی ماشینی

پۆستەری هاودەنگی ئەنارکیستەکانی کوبا ئەسینای ٢٠٢٦ بڕدرا

هاوپشتی لەتەک خەڵکی کوبا و هاوڕێ ئەنارکیستەکانمان

وەرگێڕانەکانی خوارەوە بە زمانی ئیسپانی، یۆنانی، ئیتاڵی، سلۆڤینی , سربۆ-کرواتی، زیاتر بۆ شوێنکەوتن .

بەیاننامەی هاوبەشی نێودەوڵەتی فیدراسیۆنە ئەنارکیستەکان (IFA-IAF)

لە ١٣هەمین کۆنگرەی نێودەوڵەتی فیدراسیۆنە ئەنارکیستییەکانەوە کە لە ئەسینای پایتەخت (٣-٥ی نیسانی ٢٠٢٦) بەڕێوەچوو، پشتیوانی و هاودەنگیی بێوچانمان بۆ هاوڕێ ئەنارکیستەکانمان لە کوبا دەنێرین، کە نەیانتوانی گەشت بکەن بۆ بەشداریکردن لە کۆبوونەوەکانی IFA.

گەمارۆی ئابووری لەسەر کوبا لە شەستەکانی سەدەی ڕابردووەوە بوونی هەیە، بەڵام لە چەند مانگی ڕابردوودا ئەمریکا هەڵوێستی خۆی ڕەقتر کردووەتەوە و سزای بەسەر ئەو کەشتیانەی نەوت دەگوازنەوە بۆ دوورگەکە سەپاندووە و هەڕەشەی گومرگی لەسەر ئەو وڵاتانە کردووە کە نەوتی دابین دەکەن.

ناچارکردنی سزای تەواوی گەلێک بۆ ژیان لە ژێر بارودۆخێکی توند و وێرانکەردا (بەبێ هیچ کارەبایەک، کە پێویستە بۆ کارکردنی ژێرخانی بنەڕەتی بۆ مانەوەی مرۆڤ) تاوانێک دژی مرۆڤایەتی پێکدەهێنێت.

نە لێبوردەیی، نە بێدەنگی بەرامبەر بەو تاوانەی کە ئەمریکا دژی خەڵکی کوبا ئەنجامی دەدات، و دژی ئەو شەڕە جیهانییەی کە یەکەمیان دژی مرۆڤایەتی ئەنجامی دەدات – شەڕێک کە سبەی دەگاتە هەموومان، لە هەموو گۆشەیەکی زەویدا.

نێودەوڵەتی فیدراسیۆنە ئەنارکیستییەکان (IFA-IAF)

٣-٥ی نیسانی ٢٠٢٦ – ئەسینای پایتەخت، یۆنان

 

++++++++++++++++++++++++

Solidarity with the people of Cuba and our anarchist comrades

Translations below in Spanish, Greek, Italian, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, more to follow.

Joint statement of the international of anarchist federations (IFA-IAF)

From the 13th Congress of the International of Anarchist Federations, held in Athens (April 3–5 2026), we send our unwavering support and solidarity to our anarchist comrades in Cuba, who were unable to travel to participate in the IFA proceedings.

The economic embargo against Cuba has been in place since the 1960s, but in recent months U.S.A. has hardened its stance, imposing sanctions on ships carrying oil to the island and threatening tariffs against countries that supply it.

The punitive coercion of an entire people to live under extreme, devastating conditions (without any electricity, essential for the functioning of basic infrastructure for human survival) constitutes a crime against humanity.

No tolerance, no silence against the crime being committed by the United States against the people of Cuba, and against the global war the former is waging against humanity — a war that tomorrow will reach all of us, in every corner of the earth.

International of Anarchist Federations (IFA-IAF)

April 3–5 2026 – Athens, Greece

[Spanish]

Solidariedade com o povo de Cuba e nossos camaradas anarquistas

14 de Abril de 2026

Desde o 13º Congresso da Internacional das Federações Anarquistas, realizado em Atenas (3 a 5 de abril de 2026), enviamos nosso apoio e solidariedade inabaláveis aos nossos camaradas anarquistas em Cuba, que não puderam viajar para participar dos trabalhos da IFA.

O embargo econômico contra Cuba está em vigor desde a década de 1960, mas nos últimos meses os EUA endureceram sua postura, impondo sanções a navios que transportam petróleo para a ilha e ameaçando aplicar tarifas contra os países que o fornecem.

A coerção punitiva de todo um povo a viver em condições extremas e devastadoras (sem eletricidade, essencial para o funcionamento da infraestrutura básica para a sobrevivência humana) constitui um crime contra a humanidade.

Nenhuma tolerância, nenhum silêncio diante do crime que os Estados Unidos estão cometendo contra o povo de Cuba e contra a guerra global que estão travando contra a humanidade — uma guerra que amanhã atingirá a todos nós, em todos os cantos da Terra.

Internacional das Federações Anarquistas (IFA-IAF)
3 a 5 de abril de 2026 – Atenas, Grécia

[greek]

Αλληλεγγύη στο λαό της Κούβας και τους αναρχικούς συντρόφους/ισσες μας

Από το 13ο Συνέδριο της Διεθνούς των Αναρχικών Ομοσπονδιών που διεξήχθη στην Αθήνα (3-5 Απριλίου 2026) στέλνουμε την αμέριστη υποστήριξη και αλληλεγγύη μας στους αναρχικούς συντρόφους/ισσες από την Κούβα καθώς δεν ήταν δυνατόν να ταξιδέψουν για να συμμετάσχουν στις διαδικασίες της IFA.

Το οικονομικό εμπάργκο κατά της Κούβας ισχύει από τη δεκαετία του 1960, αλλά τους τελευταίους μήνες το αμερικανικό κράτος έχει σκληρύνει τη στάση του, επιβάλλοντας κυρώσεις σε πλοία που μεταφέρουν πετρέλαιο σε αυτή και απειλώντας με δασμούς τις χώρες που την προμηθεύουν.

Ο τιμωρητικός εξαναγκασμός ενός ολόκληρου λαού να ζει κάτω από ακραίες εξοντωτικές συνθήκες χωρίς καθόλου ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα, απαραίτητο για τη λειτουργία των στοιχειωδών υποδομών ανθρώπινης επιβίωσης, συνιστά έγκλημα κατά της ανθρωπότητας.

Καμία ανοχή και σιωπή μπροστά στο έγκλημα που διαπράττεται από τις ΗΠΑ πάνω στον λαό της Κούβας και στον παγκόσμιο πόλεμο που διεξάγουν τα κράτη ενάντια στην ανθρωπότητα κι αύριο θα φθάσει σε όλους μας, σε κάθε γωνιά της γης.

Διεθνής των Αναρχικών Ομοσπονδιών (IFA-IAF)

3-5 Απρίλη 2026, Αθήνα – Ελλάδα

[Italian]

SOLIDARIETÀ CON IL POPOLO CUBANO E I NOSTRI COMPAGNI ANARCHICI

Pubblicato il 2026/04/13 da blogfas

Dal 13° Congresso dell’Internazionale delle Federazioni Anarchiche, tenutosi ad Atene (3-5 aprile 2026),
inviamo il nostro incondizionato sostegno e la nostra solidarietà ai nostri compagni anarchici a Cuba, che non hanno potuto
recarsi sul posto per partecipare ai lavori dell’IFA.

L’embargo economico contro Cuba è in vigore dagli anni ’60, ma negli ultimi mesi gli Stati Uniti hanno
irrigidito la loro posizione, imponendo sanzioni alle navi che trasportano petrolio verso l’isola e minacciando dazi contro i
paesi che lo forniscono.
La coercizione punitiva imposta a un intero popolo affinché viva in condizioni estreme e devastanti (senza alcuna
elettricità, essenziale per il funzionamento delle infrastrutture di base per la sopravvivenza umana) costituisce un crimine
contro l’umanità.

Nessuna tolleranza, nessun silenzio di fronte al crimine che gli Stati Uniti stanno commettendo contro il popolo
cubano e alla guerra globale che stanno conducendo contro l’umanità — una guerra che domani
raggiungerà tutti noi, in ogni angolo della terra.

Internazionale delle Federazioni Anarchiche (IFA-IAF)
3-5 aprile 2026 – Atene, Grecia

[Slovenian, with introduction]

Solidarnostna izjava Internacionale anarhističnih federacij (IFA-IFA)

Spodaj objavljamo kratko solidarnostno izjavo z ljudstvom na Kubi, ki jo je na svojem 13. kongresu sprejela Internacionala anarhističnih federacij (IFA-IFA). Kongres, ki se ga je udeležila tudi delegacija iz Slovenije, se je odvil med 3. in 5. aprilom v Atenah.

Internacionala že dolga leta ohranja stike in podpira anarhistično gibanje na Kubi. Načrtovana je bila tudi udeležba kubanske delegacije na nedavnem kongresu, ki pa je bila zaradi zaostrenih razmer in težkih okoliščin odpovedana. Kongres je kljub temu obravnaval situacijo na Kubi in se zavezal k nadaljnji podpori tam živečim ljudem in anarhističnemu gibanju.

Po St. Imieru (2012), Frankfurtu (2016), Ljubljani (2019) in Massenzaticu (2023) je bil to že peti kongres Internacionale z delegacijo iz Slovenije. Od leta 2012 je namreč članica Internacionale tudi Federacija za anarhistično organiziranje (FAO), ki deluje v Sloveniji in hrvaškem delu Istre od leta 2009.

Zbiranje pomoči in druge solidarnostne aktivnosti za Kubo pri nas organizira pobuda Prebijmo embargo.

Obsežno poročilo iz kongres in ostale javne izjave, ki so bile tam sprejete, bomo na tej spletni strani objavili v kratkem. ★

SOLIDARNOST Z LJUDSTVOM NA KUBI IN NAŠIMI TOVARIŠI

13. kongres Internacionale anarhističnih federacij, ki je med 3. in 5. aprilom potekal v Atenah, pošilja našo neomajno podporo in solidarnost našim anarhističnim tovarišem na Kubi, ki se zaradi razmer niso mogli udeležiti kongresa IFA.

Gospodarska blokada proti Kubi velja že od 60. let prejšnjega stoletja, vendar so ZDA v zadnjih mesecih močno zaostrile položaj, uvedle sankcije proti ladjam, ki prevažajo nafto na otok, in zagrozile s carinami proti državam, ki jo dobavljajo.

Kaznovalno prisiljevanje celotnega naroda, da živi v skrajnih, uničujočih razmerah (brez električne energije, ki je nujna za delovanje osnovne infrastrukture za preživetje ljudi), predstavlja zločin proti človeštvu.

Nobene strpnosti, nobenega molka proti zločinom, ki ga ZDA izvajajo proti kubanskemu narodu! Proti globalni vojni, ki jo ZDA vodijo proti človeštvu – vojni, ki bo jutri dosegla vse nas, v vsakem kotičku sveta.

Internacionala anarhističnih federacij (IFA-IAF)

3. – 5. april 2026 – Atene, Grčija

[serbo-croatian]

Solidarnost sa narodom Kube i našim saborcima anarhistima

Sa 13. kongresa Internacionale anarhističkih federacija, održanog u Atini, od 3. do 5. aprila 2026, šaljemo nepokolebljivu podršku i solidarnost našim saborkinjama i saborcima anarhistima na Kubi, koji nisu bili u mogućnosti da putuju i učestvuju u IFA protokolima.

Ekonomski embargo protiv Kube na snazi je još od 1960ih, ali su poslednjih meseci SAD zauzele još čvršći stav, izričući sankcije i prema brodovima koji dovoze naftu do ostrva, kao i preteći sankcijama zemljama koje je budu snabdevale.

Ovakva kaznena prinuda protiv celog jednog naroda kako bi on živeo pod ekstremnim i užasnim uslovima – bez struje, koja je neophodna za funkcionisanje osnovne infrastrukture i ljudski opstanak – predstavlja akt genocida i zločin protiv čovečnosti