“Neither the king nor the leadership, down with the authoritarian system”

The uprising of the oppressed in Iran is one uprising, dividing it into ethnic groups is a counter-revolutionary action!

In order to prevent the uprising of the oppressed in Iran to turn into a religious and ethnic militia war, like the uprising of the oppressed in Syria ( 2012 ), we must draw lessons from the history and the experience of the past class conflicts.

Now that ten years have passed since the resurgence of the Oppressed in Syria, history has proved that turning the mass and the social uprising into a militia warfare and into a political circus for political parties, will create the conditions for the renforcement of the counter-revolution. It will turn the uprising into a political game for various super power’s intelligence agencies and multinational companies to create a bloodbath through militia warfare with the support of regional stooge states.

Unfortunately, the counter-revolution has managed to turn the uprisings of the oppressed from Tunisia to Syria and Yemen, into tools to implement the plans of the super powers and the multinational companies. The living example of this reality is the internal conflicts in Syria and in Yemen that have created a market for gun trades.
Although Iran is made up of a number of different ethnic and religious regions, the previous demonstrations and protests were somehow divided among these political and cultural entities, but this time, unlike before, but like the 1979 uprising, the oppressed of Iran rose as one body . This is the most positive and encouraging turning point of the re-emergence of the struggle of the Iranian oppressed. It is a sign of learning lessons from the past struggles and the rising of self-consciousness of the Iranian oppressed .

But despite all the joy at this level of self-consciousness of the oppressed, we must not forget for a second the danger of the counter-revolutionary manœuvres ( from the government to the monarchists, nationalists and Sunni Salafis ). If we look closely at the reactions and attitudes inside and outside Iran, unfortunately, there are counter-revolutionary movements here and there, although they are preliminary, but everything goes with a beginning. Turning the uprising in Syria into a bloodbath through ten years of militia wars began with a single shot and a banal incident, which was a shooting during a peaceful demonstration after Friday prayers .

In recent weeks, monarchists outside Iran under the state’s banner have constantly tried to change the nature of the protests, while at home the government has attacked armed opposition bases outside Iran (in the Kurdistan Region / Iraq) and pursued two levels of repression in Balochistan and Kurdistan rather harshly in comparison to the Persian speaking regions to create confusions, suspicions and divisions among the protesters. The state has tried also to drag Kurdish armed party militias to an armed response and to create suspicion and division between the uprisings in Balochistan, Kurdistan, Azerbaijan and Khuzestan with the Persian-speaking center. Of course, along with the Iranian government’s efforts, the governments of Pakistan, Turkey and the Gulf have in the past decades hands in flaring religious and ethnic discrimination in those regions and are now trying to provoke divisions . More effective and worse than all these are two phenomena that have emerged in recent days : First, gun fires and arming the uprising, especially in the regions outside the center. Second, ethnicization of demonstrations of solidarity outside Iran, especially in Europe, which are only in solidarity with the uprising of one region, which is the beginning of fragmenting the uprising and creating divisions by encouraging nationalism and religious Salafism .

We oppose and condemn those attempts and try to prevent any counter-revolutionary attempts, opinions and statements. According to our experience of the history of uprisings, especially the 1979 uprising of the oppressed in Iran and the 1991 uprising of the oppressed in Iraq, we present our views, suggestions and support to our friends and comrades in all regions of Iran. Our only goal is to prevent the efforts of those groups and parties that are trying to turn this united uprising of Iran’s oppressed into fragmented nationalistic and into a militia warfare .

Fortunately, as far as we know, the activities inside Iranian cities and regions, the level of consciousness of the insurgents is at the level of their revolutionary historical responsibility and the risks of divisions have been less dominant so far . However, we ( as supporters of our fellow insurgents in Iran ) must not sit back and ignore the movements and efforts of the authoritarian movements and militia (from nationalists, Salafis, Shakhaists to the leftists) to control and mislead all protests or uprisings. Anti–revolution has always been able to overcome and defeat the waves of social revolution by taking advantage of the optimism of the unconscious oppressed through the authoritarian movements, parties and armed groups.

In the face of these counter-revolutionary efforts , the support of freedom fighters and anti-authoritarian movements at a global level and in all regions of the world for the uprising of the oppressed in Iran can strengthen the balance of powers to the benefit of the revolutionary pole against the capitalists, who are already preparing their scenario to control the Iranian society after the fall of the current government .

No to the state and government, no to militia, no to partisanship, no to nationalism, no to Salafism
Yes to global solidarity, yes to social uprising, yes to local social autogestion of all Iranian regions, yes to non-state federalism

Kurdish-speaking Anarchist forum
October 14, 2022


Support of the Kurdish-Speaking Anarchist Forum for the mass uprisings in Iran

Support of the Kurdish-Speaking Anarchist Forum for the mass uprisings in Iran

Anarchists have always supported and will support spontaneous mass movement and uprisings. Spontaneous mass uprisings are a sign of rising level of discontent, resistance and self-consciousness of the oppressed against the dominant system and the authorities. Although the protests, riots and uprisings may take different names and colours, in the content they are resistance to oppression, resistance to the brutality of the authorities and rejection of the oppressive system.

It is true that the reason for the uprising of the oppressed in Iranian cities was the murder of Mahsa Amini (a 22-year-old Kurdish girl) who had traveled to Tehran with her family and was arrested by the authorities who allegedly accused her of improper behavior in regards to the compulsory hijab law and later died as the result of the beating. This tragic death has shown again the brutality of the authorities and it shook the world. However, the message of this uprising was both a protest against Mahsa’s killing and a very radical border breaking message to Iran and the world that the oppressed, regardless of their language, ethnicity, race, colour and personal characteristics, are oppressed by one class enemy and one system.

This uprising has broken the boundaries of previous uprisings in terms of consciousness, activities and goal, rejecting the myth of nationalism, a strong response to the political parties that each paints the oppression by their respective ideologies and each directs the protests according to their particular interests. This uprising was not only a message to the oppressors in Iran, but also to all the oppressors in the world. It was mainly a message to all the oppressed that the oppression has not got a nation, a race, a gender or a nationality They have one enemy: their own class existence, the class society and the class domination; They have one basic and common goal: it’s to liberate life and existence from oppression and threats of destruction, to liberate the world from the oppression of capitalists and the tyranny of politicians.

We, as the Kurdish-Speaking anarchist forum, consider ourselves part of the protests of all the oppressed people of the world everywhere and we support and participate as much as possible in all protests, resistance, self-organization and uprising against this class society and its system at all levels.

The present general protests and uprisings have been a sudden and effective step towards a global unity of the oppressed, while rejecting the attempts of politicians and parties to divide and fragment the protests and turn them into canon fodders through competitions for authority building.

We extend our condolences to the family and friends of Mahsa Amini and the victims of the demonstrations.

Long live the struggle and the uprisings of the oppressed in Iranian cities

Long live the unity of the exploited class struggles

Defeat to the efforts of the ruling party and to those in the opposition

Death to Class sovereignty in all its names and its colors

The Kurdish-Speaking Anarchist Forum

23 September 2022




The Iranian women are better off on their own, without the mainstream “solidarity” from the West

The Iranian women are better off on their own, without the mainstream “solidarity” from the West
Want to help Iranian women gain their freedom? Push your governments and mainstream media to leave them alone!
[Article from Umanità Nova, anarchist weekly, n. 23 of 16th October 2022]

It’s been two weeks that I haven’t been able to take my eyes from my laptop and mobile screens — the only means connecting me to Iran right now. I’ve spent countless hours watching videos of protests happening in my hometown and cities I have lived in, recognizing some of the streets, shops and places – familiar scenes, vivid reminders of big or small riots in the past.
I find it increasingly harder to get any work done or sleep without waking up with fast heartbeat. It’s nerve-wrecking to watch your sisters getting beaten up by the police and plain cloths thugs, from the safety of your home here in Europe. You don’t get to be a part of their struggle; guilt and solitude is all you get.
However, joining the rallies organized by the exiled groups in Europe would make me feel even more guilty, guilty of standing in line with those who have constantly worked to strengthen oppression on Iranians and intensify their pain. The very same groups are now organizing rallies pretending to support the protests, but in fact are highjacking an original struggle to use it to receive more funding from their masters.
Among the prominent opposition group organizing rallies in exile is the MEK or (People’s Mojahedeen), a cult like organization, funded by both Saudis, Israel and US Neo-Cons and trained by Mossad (https://www.timesofisrael.com/us-officials-mossad-and-iranian-terror-group-offing-nuclear-scientists/). Over the past years they have constantly lobbied with EU and US politicians for imposing more sanctions on Iran. Along with their bosses they have tried to hammer down the claim that sanctions only target the ruling elites, but in fact, the sanctions have wrecked millions of Iranian lives. In contrast to their claim, the country hasn’t been able to buy vital medicine such as chemotherapy drugs for cancer and blood clotting agents for haemophiliacs (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/jan/13/iran-lifesaving-drugs-international-sanctions). COVID-19 vaccine deliveries were delayed for months due to embargoes, costing tens of thousands of lives.
In a speech at a MEK convention, Trump’s ex-lawyer Rudi Giuliani, who also has represented this sect for years, described the effect of sanctions as such (https://twitter.com/KeiPritsker/status/1575463312632025090):
“The sanctions are working…we see signs of young men and women saying, give me some food, we see signs of men trying to sell their internal organs for 500 American dollars… these are the kind of conditions that lead to revolution, god willing, a nonviolent one!”
And indeed, the sanctions have made the riots more frequent, but less likely to succeed. Workers are no longer able to join the strikes, for fear of starving to death. Millions of people are simply too poor to organize themselves. Most Iranians cannot afford to mobilize for weeks or months. Those who impose sanctions on Iran don’t want progressive revolutions to succeed, they’re seeking civil war and periodic clashes of attrition.
In the rallies all over Europe and the US, monarchists who aim to bring back the son of Shah, are visibly active. Together with MEK, they have called for more sanctions and even military intervention in Iran, with their leaders frequently appearing in right-wing Israeli media. These pan-Iranist fascists call themselves Aryans and praise the ousted king, Mohammadreza Pahlavi for cracking down on Kurds and other peoples in Iran.
And there is also the much-celebrated “feminist” icon, Masih Alinejad. She is seen these days on almost every Western TV channel calling for the world’s right-wing and left-wing
feminists to support Iranian women. She laments about how people who protested George Floyd death, are now neglecting Iranians’ struggle and then she claims that Iranians are happy about the sanction and are asking for more.
The reporters who interview this self-proclaimed leader, do not bother to google her name to see her photo shaking hands with Mike Pompeo and find about that she publicly received about 500.000 mon (https://twitter.com/eliclifton/status/1214342478071042049?lang=en) dollars in funds to legitimatize sanctions, that’s in addition to prizes she receives, and the money she makes by sticking her online “campaign’s” logo to the videos of protests and selling them to news agencies and media.
Each one of these groups have an army of trolls who are quick to harass anyone who calls on their lies or has a slightly different opinion with the most sexist slurs and death threats. For them, whoever dares to disagree is a regime apologist, a traitor and deserves to be hanged. Leftists are their favourite pray. But they target pretty much everyone, from artists and film makers who dare to work under Islamic republic and the Hijabi girls who recently kicked off a campaign against the compulsory Hijab.
Iranian women do not need solidarity from these gangs. They have autonomously been fighting against the humiliating morality police for years. They have been thrown in jail, risked their lives and gave up their safety. They have even created their own symbols and actions. Their entire life is resistance, they have managed to push the religious hardliners back one step at a time.
On a busy street in Tehran, Vida Movahedi (https://www.niacouncil.org/human_rights_tracker/vida-movahed-sentenced-year-prison/?locale=en), became a symbol of defying compulsory Hijab for quietly standing on a metal utilities box and quietly waving her white scarf from a stick. She refused to align herself, or even speak to fake activist like Massih Alinejad. Fahrad Meysami, a teacher imprisoned for protesting against Hijab law went on a long, life-threatening hunger strike in prison in 2019, demanding for the dissolution of morality police. But after foreign politicians and the so-called human rights organizations began to use his struggle to legitimize themselves, he sent out an open letter, denouncing all of them, including the US president (https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2019/01/iran-letter-evin-prison-farhad-meysami-pompeo-sanctions.html).
These scenes of activism never get any attention from the mainstream western media, which in end, doesn’t do any good rather than giving the regime more excuses to clamp down on the truthful struggles. The exiled “freedom fighters” know that very well, this why every time a bottom-up movement unfolds in Iran this is the scenario they try to implement: They rush to claim the movement for their own: MEK says they have sent their clandestine members to organize the protests, the son of Pahlavi issues an statement in support of them, and people like Massih Alinejad film themselves crying while urging the protesters to keep fighting. In return, the regime violently stifles the movement, linking it to foreign agents who seek to destabilize the country. As a result, people get hurt, killed and imprisoned. Islamic Republic and the exiled opposition are both happy, their points are proven.
I refuse to join people who represent a spitting image of the Islamic republic in fascism, corruption and totalitarianism. They work hand in hand with the government in Iran to polarize the country along religious lines and create another Syria there. They, and the Islamic Republic regime are trying to destroy any chance of a progressive, collective action to take momentum.
I rather feel guilty for having abandoned my sisters, than to stand in line with those who want to starve Iranians to death or bomb them.
Frankly, none of these forms of exiled solidarity has any significant impact on Iranians on the ground anyway.
Social Media celebrities can try to build a concerned, woke, activist face of themselves by posting tweets and videos in support of Iran’s protests and claim “the world stands by you,” but the inspiration comes from sources elsewhere than mainstream media and celebrities.
The progressive slogan “women, life, freedom,” which is now echoing in Iranian cities streets, comes from Rojava, none of the so-called activists, opposition groups, and celebrities “supporting” the protests mention that. Only progressive movements can give real solidarity to one another, and that’s a fact these fake warriors hate to acknowledge.

Mona Omidi

Campaign for Financial Support of the Libertarian Festival of OccupiedSpaces and Collectives

Campaign for Financial Support of the Libertarian Festival of Occupied
Spaces and Collectives

Short information about the campaign:
Short title description: “This crowdfunding is a campaign to
financially support the 3rd Libertarian Festival of Occupied Spaces and
Collectivities 2022, which failed to complete Due to the events on 16
and 17 September at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, the event
of 2022, which was not completed due to the events of 16 and 17
September at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki.
The 3° libertarian festival was a decision of struggle against the
state, the police, fascism and totalitarianism. It was held n favour of
squats, free neighborhoods, liberated universities, solidarity and
anarchy. The decision to hold it may be taken by a few anarchist groups
and squats of the movement in Thessaloniki, but since the beginning we
have been of the opinion that it involved many more people. The whole
country was a witness of the inconceivable police atrocity that took
place during the main live of the event on Friday night.
In addition to all the other problems created by this criminal attack,
which was answered with thousands of complaints and a huge march of
indignation and solidarity, was and the financial burden of the
organization. The proceeds of the festival were to be distributed to
imprisoned and persecuted fighters, in support of the reconstruction of
the squat Libertatia, to fund subsequent libertarian publications, to
support the libertarian student movement and many of our other actions.
However, the violent dissolution of the concert did not allowed us to
financially support the organization and its goals. For this reason we
turn to all our comrades and friends from all over Greece and the world
in order to contribute to this very big effort that we called the “3rd
Libertarian festival of occupied spaces and collectives” and by
extension to help the libertarian/anarchist movement.
Purpose of crowdfunding:
So with solidarity between the exploited in mind, we are creating this
demand that aims to pay for the remaining costs of our festival, which
has not been completed.
All possible movements of financial support will be published on the
blogs of the associations and squats that are the organizers of the
T-shirts for financial support of the festival:
From today, we will be able to fulfill orders in other cities outside
of the city of Thessaloniki.

Available in various sizes, at the price of 10€.

In Thessaloniki you will find it at the Mundo Nuevo and Libertatia
squats, as well as at the collaborative cafeteria Belleville Sin Patron
Filippou 80, Rotonda area.
For orders send us a message on the page of the Libertarian Festival of
Occupied Spaces and Collections on FB and we will contact you directly.

_In the following link you will find the political statement of the 3rd
Libertarian Festival of Occupied Spaces & Collectives on the events that
took place during the concert of September 16th at the Aristotle
University of Thessaloniki._


Libertarian Festival of Occupied Spaces and Collectives

Καμπάνια Οικονομικής ενίσχυσης του
Ελευθεριακού Φεστιβάλ [1]
Το παρόν crowfunding αποτελεί μια καμπάνια
οικονομικής ενίσχυ

[1] https://www.firefund.net/financialcampaigneleutheriakofestivalthessaloniki?fbclid=IwAR0J9Hbw6aXFcMzCgnrq3VauGt24H2Njrr3pXMYcTneDwSUSnv0BI9G9i9A


Λίγα λόγια για το Ελευθεριακό Φεστιβάλ Κατειλημμένων Χώρων και Συλλογικοτήτων:

Το 3° ελευθεριακό φεστιβάλ ήταν μια απόφαση πάλης ενάντια στο κράτος, την αστυνομία, το φασισμό και τον ολοκληρωτισμό. Υπέρ των καταλήψεων, των ελεύθερων γειτονιών, των απελευθερωμένων πανεπιστημίων, της αλληλεγγύης και της αναρχίας. Η απόφαση για τη διεξαγωγή του μπορεί να πάρθηκε από μερικές ομάδες και καταλήψεις του αναρχικού κινήματος της Θεσσαλονίκης, όμως εξαρχής πιστεύαμε και πιστεύουμε ότι αφορούσε πολύ περισσότερους ανθρώπους. Όλη η χώρα υπήρξε μάρτυρας της ασύλληπτης αστυνομικής θηριωδίας που έλαβε χώρα κατά τη διάρκεια του κεντρικού live της διοργάνωσης το βράδυ της Παρασκευής.

Εκτός όλων των άλλων προβλημάτων που δημιούργησε η εγκληματική αυτή επίθεση, η οποία απαντήθηκε με χιλιάδες καταγγελίες αλλά και μια τεράστια πορεία αγανάκτησης και αλληλεγγύης, ήταν και η οικονομική επιβάρυνση της διοργάνωσης. Τα έσοδα του φεστιβάλ θα διατίθονταν σε φυλακισμένους και διωκόμενους αγωνιστές, στην υποστήριξη της ανοικοδόμησης της κατάληψης Libertatia, στη χρηματοδότηση επόμενων ελευθεριακών εκδόσεων, στην υποστήριξη του ελευθεριακού φοιτητικού κινήματος και σε πολλές άλλες δράσεις μας. Ωστόσο η βίαιη διάλυση της συναυλίας δεν επέτρεψε την οικονομική ενίσχυση της διοργάνωσης και των σκοπών της. Για αυτόν τον λόγο στρεφόμαστε σε όλους τους συντρόφους, συντρόφισσες, φίλους και φίλες από όλη την Ελλάδα και τον κόσμο, ώστε να συνεισφέρουν σε αυτήν την πολύ μεγάλη προσπάθεια που ονομάσαμε «3ο ελευθεριακό φεστιβάλ κατειλημμένων χώρων και συλλογικοτήτων» και κατά επέκταση να βοηθήσει το ίδιο το ελευθεριακό/αναρχικό κίνημα.

Σκοπός του crowdfunding:

Με γνώμονα λοιπόν την αλληλεγγύη μεταξύ των εκμεταλλευόμενων δημιουργούμε αυτό το αίτημα το οποίο ως σκοπό έχει την αποπληρωμή των υπολοίπων εξόδων που προκύπτουν από το φεστιβάλ μας, το οποίο δεν κατάφερε να ολοκληρωθεί .

Όλες οι πιθανές κινήσεις οικονομικής ενίσχυσης θα δημοσιευτούν στα ιστολόγια των συλλογικοτήτων και καταλήψεων που αποτελούν τους διοργανωτές του φεστιβάλ.




Fb pages:






Μπλουζάκια οικονομικής ενίσχυσης του φεστιβάλ:

Μπλουζάκι οικονομικής ενίσχυσης του Ελευθεριακού Φεστιβάλ Κατειλημμένων Χώρων και Συλλογικοτήτων, από σήμερα θα μπορούμε να εκτελέσουμε και παραγγελίες σε άλλες πόλεις εκτός Θεσσαλονίκης.

Διατίθεται σε διάφορα μεγέθη, στην τιμή των 10€.

Στη Θεσσαλονίκη θα το βρείτε στις καταλήψεις Mundo Nuevo και Libertatia, όπως και στο συνεργατικό καφέ-μπαρ Belleville Sin Patron, Φιλίππου 80 περιοχή Ροτόντα .

Για παραγγελίες στείλτε μας μήνυμα στη σελίδα του Ελευθεριακού Φεστιβάλ Κατειλημμένων Χώρων και Συλλογικοτήτων στο FB και θα επικοινωνήσουμε άμεσα μαζί σας. {https://www.facebook.com/eleutheriako.fest.kathlleimenwn}

Περισσότερες πληροφορίες:

Στον παρακάτω σύνδεσμο θα βρείτε την πολιτική ανακοίνωση του 3ου Ελευθεριακού Φεστιβάλ κατειλημμένων χώρων & συλλογικοτήτων για τα γεγονότα που έλαβαν χώρα κατά τη διάρκεια της συναυλίας της 16ης Σεπτέμβρη στο Α.Π.Θ.


Φωτογραφίες από τις ημέρες του Φεστιβάλ:

1η ημέρα, Mundo Nuevo

2η ημέρα, Στέκι ΑΠΑΝ- Νεάπολη

3η ημέρα, ΑΠΘ

Φωτογραφίες από την ημέρα της διαδήλωσης στις 17 Σεπτεμβρίου:

Murder of Mahsa Amini and revolts in Iran

Murder of Mahsa Amini and revolts in Iran

28 September 2022

Mahsa Amini was a young Kurdish woman of 22 years old. On 13th September, on a family trip in Tehran, she was arrested in the street and taken away by the Islamic Republic’s morality police under the pretext that a wisp of hair was sticking out of her compulsory hijab. Two hours after her arrest, Mahsa was transfered unconscious to a hospital in Tehran : she had received blows on the head, probably in the police car or during the « educational meeting » inflicted upon women who do not abide strictly by the dress code imposed by the regime. She died on 16th September after three days in a coma. Mahsa’s death first shattered her native Kurdish city of Saghez. Her funeral gave rise to marches that spread over the next few days to more and more cities in Iran and then to the whole world.

To date, rebellions have taken place in over 80 Iranian cities, including some very religious cities such as Qom or Machhad. Women are taking off their hijabs and burning their headscarves in protest. The slogans are aimed at the whole regime: “We do not want the Islamic Republic” or “Kamenei (the supreme guide) is a murderer, his reign is illegitimate”…

Various police forces are savagely repressing those popular uprisings. On the morning of 24th September, some human rights organisations gave a death toll of at least 49 persons killed during the first days of the rebellion. The actual number could be much higher given that, as was observed in previous revolts, the authorities falsify the death certificates of those who are shot and they put pressure on their families to guarantee they remain silent by threatening not to return the bodies to the relatives. In spite of dozens of arrests these past few days, one first demonstration took place at the University of Tehran on that same 24th September, and the participants were even more numerous than the days before.

The repression is terrifying: tear gas, tonfa blows and live firing. The police apply the most dreadful tactics to take the protesters by surprise, for instance by using public transport and ambulances to move around. And the political police is more active than ever: dozens of students have been arrested in gatherings organised on the premises of universities throughout the country. Arrests are rife also among the political activists who simply criticise the regime without even calling for its overthrow, as young people and the population do. The Internet, and in particular the mobile Internet is, as usual, either slowed down or cut off in the areas where the protest movement is strongest. The regime does its utmost to ensure that the people cannot organise, or publish information, or broadcast the photographs and videos of the atrocities that are carried out at every street corner. Still, many documents evade the censorship: pictures of protesters covered in blood or shot dead, a video clip showing police officers hunting down protesters, breaking down the doors of houses whose inhabitants have offered them shelter…

In spite of the repression, the movement continues to gather momentum. The motto “Woman, Life, Liberty”, which comes from the Rojava and was chanted in Kurdish during Mahsa’s funeral, has become the rallying point of all protesters: first taken up in several Kurdish towns of Iran, it has spread to the entire country and been translated into various local languages (Persian, Turkish, Arabic, etc), and to the rest of the world during support marches at an international level, where the Iranian rebellion is met with unprecedented solidarity.

In effect, numerous senior politicians and many anonymous people have shown their support to the women’s movements in Iran. Several groups of hackers have taken down some Iranian government sites and media. The hashtag #Mahsa_Amini, in Latin as in Persian (#????-?????), has become the most used of all times on Twitter’s social network.

International solidarity is paramount.

For us, anarchists, this massive uprising against the oppression of women and against the religious tyranny of a totalitarian State is a breath of fresh air. It is a revolution that we are calling for. The Anarchist Federation naturally stands in solidarity with all the insurgents of Iran, and calls on each and every freedom-loving person to support the struggle of the women and of the Iranian people.

Long live solidarity with the struggle in Iran! Long live freedom!

French Anarchist Federation

Recent news about the current uprising in Iran


The anti-government protests in Iran, sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody on 16 September, have spread to  more than 80 cities and towns. 

The government expands its crackdown against the protesters and those who express solidarity with them.

More than 100 protesters have been killed and hundreds arrested. This is the biggest mass protests since November 2019 protests that led to 1,500 deaths.  

In Zahedan, a city in the southeast with an ethnic Baluch population, tensions erupted on Friday 30 September, with security forces firing at a crowd gathered at the Maki mosque, and protesters attacking a police station with rocks and setting fire to shops.  Many were killed, 19 killed and many injured. The tension is still high between the protesters and the police forces that use helicopters to regain the control.

Protesters have burned pictures of Iranian state’s religious leaders, calling for the downfall of the Islamic Republic, women shopping without hijab, and anti-government graffiti’s written on the walls, and chanting “death to the dictator”, carrying banners of “woman, life, freedom”.   

There is a widespread of disobedience and displays of solidarity with the protesters by general public. 

In attempt to crack down on the protests, the government has cut the internet communications. The only available option is the satellite internet by a US company. 

Therefore, the communication with anarchist comrades is via telephone networks, as during the demonstrations in Tunisia, Egypt, etc. in 2011 – 2012.

– Control of some cities, towns and areas by the protesters and the expulsion of government forces from the Kurdish region. The government repression has been particularly brutal in the Kurdish area the southeast and the north region. The Iranian government has attacked the position of some Kurdish opposition parties that are based in The Kurdistan region of Iraq and killed a dozen and injured more than 50 people including women and children. The government is trying to divert the aim of the protest from a general discontent of the majority of the population against the state by accusing the Kurdish parties of instigating the protests.

Boycotting universities and colleges by most of students and teachers and the call to all the teachers in other cities to participate in the boycott.

Despite lack of a clear leadership, the protesters successfully use Tactics to confuse and distract Iranian government forces by demonstrating in various cities and assaulting government’s centers every day in a different place.

– Call for a general and nationwide strike by many sectors, including by the representatives of oil workers.

– The absence of the Iranian tricolor flag in the demonstrations, but the attempt to raise the tricolor flag of the Shahs and the Mujahedeen in the demonstrations abroad.

– In response to the tactics of the protesters, the Iranian government is trying to turn the protesters war against itself into a military war against some opposition armed groups to legitimate and justify its repression.

Instead of the slogan of “woman-life-freedom”, the conservative forces have raised the slogan of “brave-nation-prosperity”

The slogan of the movement, “women, life and freedom”, has had a great impact on all freedom fighters in Iran and has managed to rally all sectors of the society, young people, workers and teachers etc.

 This protest bring about fundamental changes in Iranian society and even influence neighboring countries Like Iraq, Afghanistan, Turkey and the gulf region, especially the symbols and customs imposed by religion on women and society.

This movement of protests can create a possible condition for a self-organized anti all political parties and the state. 

On the other hand, Iran has not been able to suppress the movement as easily as before, killing, arresting, intimidating and creating conflict among other Iranian nations, claiming that Baluchistan is an insecure place and armed groups threaten the country’s security Iran’s policy has failed.

The consequences of this movement can make a significant difference, and even if the protests end by police and state repression, they can have a positive impact on Iranian society and the world as a whole.

Elections: let abstention become desertion

Elections: let abstention become desertion


Once again one thing is clear: the next parliament and the next government will be farer than ever from the exploited classes. Not even two out of three voters went to the polls, in some regions barely one out of two, with turnout nationally standing at 63.9 per cent, a drop of no less than nine percentage points from the previous election. At the time of writing [Monday 26 Sept. In the morning], the vote count has not yet been completed, but the data, already stable, assign the victory to the right-wing coalition. In fact, it seems that despite the drop in voters turnout, the right-wing has maintained the consensus obtained in the previous elections [2018], with just over 12 million votes. If this should lead, as all the official newspapers announce, to a government led by the fascist right, then the military caste, war production and in particular aerospace, Confindustria [Italian industrial employers federation] and the Catholic Church will have the prime standard-bearer of their privileges in government.

But beware, the political agenda of misery and war that we will have to oppose in the coming months was already the one of the government led by Draghi. That agenda would have been assumed by any government, in the name of “national interest”. The official medias and parties have been calling in chorus for a strong government, but since it will not be strong in consensus anyway, we have to imagine that the next government will be strong with the stick.
They will probably try to govern the social conflict with paternalistic handouts, with national unity propaganda, and with the help of the palace opposition through the PD [Democratic Party], the institutional left, and the CGIL [main union, close to PD]. It is important to give a different ground to the struggles, strengthening grassroots structures and forms of social opposition.

Before passing the baton to the next government, Draghi still has some important tasks on its hands: the presentation of the DEF Update Note [one of the main financial measures of the year] and the continuation of negotiations to define the European cap on gas prices. The basic policy guidelines on defence, energy and labour are transversal, as the choices of the various governments of national unity that have followed one another in recent years have shown. The last of these, which united the Lega, FI, M5S, PD, LEU – with repeated attempts to include FdI as well – made it clear to everyone that appeals to vote ‘against fascism’ are empty words for the electoral campaign. This is also why the number of abstainers, 14.8 million, far exceeds the number of votes obtained by any coalition. But abstentionism is not disorientation caused by the turnabout of this or that party. The crisis of consensus mechanisms, even clientelistic ones, together with the general worsening of the living and working conditions of a large part of the population, and the disappearance of any margin of mediation of social conflict, have caused distrust towards political institutions. That distrust exploded in the last 15 years. Since the 2008 elections, the great aim of the parties in election time has been to gather support from the ever-widening ranks of abstentionists. But if those who govern and those who aspire to govern read abstention as a reservoir of votes, as a reservoir of consensus to be contended for, as a passive mass, those who want to radically transform society in a revolutionary sense cannot but recognise in it an element of change. It is not certain that this drive for change cannot sooner or later be reabsorbed into the forms of compatibility of the political system. But non-voting is always a choice, regardless of the reasons behind it. It is an active dimension, the refusal dimension, which already marks the distance from the government, but which can also be the basis for further forms of refusal and opposition.

The images coming out of Russia, with young people fleeing to avoid forced conscription and with protests in the cities against partial mobilisation being harshly repressed, show us that it is possible to reject government-imposed massacre, that even under the severe repressive threat of an authoritarian regime it is possible to choose, reject and act. The force of these examples of anti-war struggle is formidable. They are examples that call us to commit ourselves personally, to organise and give substance to our rejection of war and the war economy.

To tackle the general mistrust in institutions, parties and government, an authoritarian turn has been prepared for some time now. The organs of representative democracy itself are also radically revising institutional forms, seeking stability solutions for political power in the face of distrust in institutions and increasing abstention. In the name of governability, efficiency, stability and the safeguarding of the “national interest”, dirigiste solutions are being pushed forward, also under pressure from increasingly globally influential autocratic models. The developments of the war in Europe have only accelerated these processes. On all sides, propaganda, in a general climate of uncertainty and impending disaster, creates the need for the leader and the “strong government”. But there are those who do not respond to the call to the ballot box, despite the fact that the election campaign has been more than ever focused on the personalities of political leaders, despite the great fears we experience in these years because of the blind alley into which the State and Capital are leading us, from war to pandemic, from misery to climate catastrophe. There is a part of society that does not participate in the election, that has chosen rejection. For the next government it will be a problem in any case. It is up to us and all the forces moving on the terrain of struggles from below to ensure that this rejection of the election is not reabsorbed by some new party or government leader, that it is not conscripted into any army, but that it is transformed into a rejection of war and exploitation, into mass desertion from the slaughter into which the next government will want to throw us.

وەرگێڕانی ماشینی بابەتەکە

هەڵبژاردنەکان: با خۆبەدوورگرتن بێتە جێگری وازهێنان

جارێکی تر شتێک ڕوونە: پەرلەمانی داهاتوو و حکومەتی داهاتوو لە هەموو کاتێک زیاتر لە چینە ئیستغلالکراوەکان دوور دەبن. لە هەر سێ دەنگدەرێک تەنانەت دوو کەس نەچوونە سەر سندوقەکانی دەنگدان، لە هەندێک ناوچەدا بەزەحمەت یەک لە دوو دەنگ، رێژەی بەشداریکردن لە ئاستی نیشتمانیدا بە رێژەی ٦٣.٩% وەستابوو، کە لە هەڵبژاردنەکانی پێشوودا لە ٩ خاڵ کەمتر نەبوو. لە کاتی نووسینی ئەم هەواڵەدا [دووشەممە ٢٦ی ئەیلولی بەیانی]، هێشتا ژمارەی دەنگەکان تەواو نەبووە، بەڵام داتاکان کە پێشتر جێگیرن، سەرکەوتنەکە بۆ هاوپەیمانی ڕاستڕەوەکان دیاری دەکەن. لە ڕاستیدا، پێدەچێت سەرەڕای دابەزینی رێژەی بەشداریکردن لە دەنگدەران، راستڕەوەکان ئەو کۆدەنگییەیان پاراستووە کە لە هەڵبژاردنەکانی پێشوودا بەدەست هاتووە [2018]، بە کەمێک زیاتر لە 12 ملیۆن دەنگ. ئەگەر ئەمە دەبێت ببێتە هۆی، وەک هەموو ڕۆژنامە فەرمییەکان ڕایدەگەیەنن، بۆ حکومەتێک بە سەرۆکایەتی مافی فاشیست، ئەوا کاستی سەربازی، بەرهەمهێنانی جەنگ و بەتایبەتی فڕۆکەوانی، کۆنفیندستریا [فیدراسیۆنی خاوەنکارە پیشەسازییەکانی ئیتاڵیا] و کەنیسەی کاسۆلیکی ستانداردی سەرەکییان دەبێت- هەڵگری ئیمتیازاتی خۆیان لە حکومەتدا.

بەڵام ئاگاداربە، ئەجێندای سیاسی نەهامەتی و شەڕ کە لە چەند مانگی داهاتوودا دەبێت دژایەتی بکەین، پێشتر ئەو کارنامەیە بوو کە درای بە سەرۆکایەتی حکومی بەڕێوەی دەبرد. ئەو ئەجێندایە لەلایەن هەر حكومەتێكەوە، بەناوی “بەرژەوەندی نەتەوەییەوە” گریمانە دەكرا. میدیا و حیزبە فەرمییەکان بۆ حکومەتێکی بەهێز بانگیان کردووە، بەڵام بەو پێیەی بەهەر حاڵ لە کۆدەنگیدا بەهێز نابێت، دەبێت بیخەینە بەرچاومان کە حکومەتی داهاتوو بە دارەکەوە بەهێز دەبێت.
پێدەچێت هەوڵ بدەن ململانێی کۆمەڵایەتی بە پەرتووکەکانی باوکایەتی، بە پڕوپاگەندەی یەکێتی نەتەوەیی، و بە یارمەتی ئۆپۆزسیۆنی کۆشک لە ڕێگەی PD [حزبی دیموکرات]، چەپی دامەزراوەیی و CGIL [یەکێتی سەرەکی، نزیک لە PD] بەڕێوەببەن. گرنگە زەمینەیەکی جیاواز بدرێت بە خەباتەکان، بەهێزکردنی پێکهاتە بنەڕەتییەکان و فۆرمەکانی ئۆپۆزسیۆنی کۆمەڵایەتی.

پێش ئەوەی باتۆنەکە بگوازێتەوە بۆ حکومەتی داهاتوو، دراغی هێشتا هەندێک ئەرکی گرنگی لەسەر دەستی خۆی هەیە: پێشکەشکردنی تێبینی نوێکردنەوەی DEF [یەکێک لە ڕێوشوێنە داراییە سەرەکییەکانی ساڵ] و بەردەوامبوونی دانوستاندنەکان بۆ پێناسەکردنی کاپی ئەوروپی لەسەر نرخی غاز . ڕێنماییە بنەڕەتییەکانی سیاسەت سەبارەت بە بەرگری و وزە و کار، وەک هەڵبژاردنی حکومەتە جیاوازەکانی یەکێتی نەتەوەیی کە لە ساڵانی ڕابردوودا بەدوای یەکتردا هاتووە، دەریانخستووە. دواهەمینیان کە لێگا، FI، M5S، PD، LEU – لەگەڵ هەوڵە دووبارەبووەکان بۆ خستنەڕووی FDI بە هەمان شێوە – بۆ هەمووان ڕوون کردەوە کە بانگەواز دەکەن بۆ دەنگدان بە ‘دژی فاشیزم’ وشەی بەتاڵن بۆ هەڵمەتی هەڵبژاردنەکان. هەروەها هەر لەبەر ئەمەشە کە ژمارەی ئەو دەنگەی کە 14.8 ملیۆن کەسە، زۆر زیاترە لەو دەنگانەی کە هەر هاوپەیمانییەک بەدەستی هێناوە. بەڵام خۆبەزلزانین، سەرلێشێواوی نییە کە بەهۆی وەرچەرخانی ئەم یان ئەو حیزبەوە دروست دەبێت. قەیرانی میکانیزمەکانی کۆدەنگی، تەنانەت ئەوانەی موکلیفی، لەگەڵ خراپبوونی گشتی بارودۆخی زیندوو و کارکردنی بەشێکی زۆری دانیشتووان، و نەمانی هەر پەراوێزێکی نێوەندگیری ململانێی کۆمەڵایەتی، بێمتمانەیی بەرامبەر بە دامەزراوە سیاسییەکان بووە. ئەو بێمتمانەیە لە ١٥ ساڵی ڕابردوودا تەقیەوە. لە دوای هەڵبژاردنەکانی ساڵی ٢٠٠٨ەوە، ئامانجی گەورەی حزبەکان لە کاتی هەڵبژاردنەکاندا بریتی بووە لە کۆکردنەوەی پشتیوانی لە ڕیزەکانی بێبەشکردنی هەمیشەیی کە هەمیشە فاینەری هەیە. بەڵام ئەگەر ئەوانەی حوکمڕانی حوکمڕان دەکەن و ئەوانەی ئاواتەخوازن حوکمڕانی بخوێننەوە وەک خەزنێکی دەنگەکان، وەک خەزنێکی کۆدەنگی کە بۆیان هەیە، وەک جەماوەرێکی پاسیڤ کە دەیانەوێت کۆمەڵگا بە مانایەکی شۆڕشگێڕانە بگۆڕن، ناتوانن دانیان پێدا نەنێن، بەڵام نازانن دانیان پێدا بنێن. توخمێکی گۆڕانکاری. دڵنیا نییە کە ئەم پاڵنەرە بۆ گۆڕانکارییەکان ناتوانرێت درەنگ یان درەنگ لە فۆرمەکانی گونجانی سیستەمی سیاسیدا هەڵبمژرێت. بەڵام بێ دەنگدان هەمیشە هەڵبژاردنێکە، بەبێ گوێدانە هۆکارەکانی پشتی. ڕەهەندێکی چالاکە، ڕەهەندی رەتکردنەوە، کە لە ئێستاوە مەودای حکومەت دیاری دەکات، بەڵام دەتوانێت بنەمایەک بێت بۆ فۆرمەکانی زیاتری رەتکردنەوە و دژایەتی.

ئەو وێنانەی کە لە ڕووسیا دێنە دەرەوە، گەنجان هەڵدێن بۆ ئەوەی لە پۆستی زۆرەملێ و ناڕەزایەتییەکان لە شارەکان دژی کۆکردنەوەی بەشەکی سەرکوت بکرێن، نیشانمان دەدەن کە دەکرێت کۆمەڵکوژیی سەپێنراو لەلایەن حکومەتەوە ڕەت بکرێتەوە، کە تەنانەت لە ژێر هەڕەشەی سەرکوتکەری توندیشدا رژێمی تاکڕەوانە دەتوانرێت هەڵبژێردرێت و رەت بکرێتەوە و کاربکات. هێزی ئەم نموونانەی خەباتی دژە جەنگ زۆر ترسناکە. ئەوان نموونەن کە بانگمان دەکەن بۆ ئەوەی خۆمان بە شێوەیەکی شەخسی پابەند بکەین، بۆ ڕێکخستن و پێدانی ماددە بە ڕەتکردنەوەی شەڕ و ئابووری جەنگمان.

بۆ ڕووبەڕووبوونەوەی بێمتمانەیی گشتی بە دامەزراوە و حیزب و حکومەت، ماوەیەکە وەرچەرخانێکی تاکڕەو ئامادەکراوە. هەروەها ئۆرگانەکانی دیموکراسی نوێنەرایەتی خۆیان بە شێوەیەکی ڕیشەیی پێداچوونەوە بە فۆرمەکانی دامەزراوەییدا دەکەن، بەدوای چارەسەری سەقامگیریدا دەگەڕێن بۆ دەسەڵاتی سیاسی لە بەرامبەر بێمتمانەیی بە دامەزراوەکان و زیادکردنی خۆبەدوورگرتن. بە ناوی حوکمڕانی، کارایی، سەقامگیری و پاراستنی “بەرژەوەندی نیشتمانی”، چارەسەرەکانی دیریگێستێ پاڵیان پێدەنرێت بۆ پێشەوە، هەروەها لە ژێر فشاری مۆدێلە خۆسەپێنییەکانی کاریگەری جیهانیدا. پێشهاتەکانی شەڕ لە ئەوروپا تەنیا ئەم پرۆسانەیان خێراتر کردووە. لە هەموو لایەکەوە، پڕوپاگەندە، لە کەشوهەوای گشتی نادڵنیایی و کارەساتی نزیکدا، پێویستی بە سەرکردە و “حکومەتی بەهێز” دروست دەکات. بەڵام کەسانێک هەن کە وەڵامی بانگەوازی سندوقی دەنگدان نادەنەوە، سەرەڕای ئەوەی کە هەڵمەتی هەڵبژاردنەکان زیاتر لە جاران سەرنجی لەسەر کەسایەتی سەرکردە سیاسییەکان بووە، سەرەڕای ئەو ترسە گەورانەی کە لەم ساڵانەدا ئەزموونیان دەکەین بەهۆی ئەو کوێرە کوێرەوەیە کە دەوڵەت و پایتەخت ئێمەی تێدەپەڕێنێت، لە شەڕەوە تا پەتا، لە نەهامەتیەوە تا کارەساتی کەشوهەوا. بەشێک لە کۆمەڵگا هەیە کە بەشداری لە هەڵبژاردنەکەدا ناکات، کە ڕەتکردنەوەیان هەڵبژاردووە. بۆ حکومەتی داهاتوو لە هەر حاڵەتێکدا کێشەیەک دەبێت. ئەوە پەیوەستە بە ئێمە و هەموو ئەو هێزانەی کە لەسەر زەوی خەباتەکان لە خوارەوە دەجووڵێن بۆ ئەوەی دڵنیا بین لەوەی کە ئەم رەتکردنەوەی هەڵبژاردنە لەلایەن هەندێک حزبی نوێ یان سەرۆکی حکومەتەوە هەڵناگیرێەوە، کە نەخراوەتە ناو هیچ سوپایەکەوە، بەڵکو گۆڕانکاری بەسەردا هاتووە. لە ڕەتکردنەوەی شەڕ و ئیستغلالکردن، لە وازهێنانی جەماوەری لە سەربڕین کە حکومەتی داهاتوو دەیەوێت فڕێمان بدات.


لینکی سایتی (مرۆڤایەتی نوێ) لەتەک وەرگێڕی ماشینی


هاوپشتی بۆ خرۆشانە جەماوەرییەکان لە ئێران

هاوپشتی سەکۆی ئەنارکیستان بۆ خرۆشانە جەماوەرییەکان لە ئێران

ئەنارکیستەکان هەردەم پشتیوانی خرۆشانی خۆخۆیی جەماوەریی بوون و هەن. خەبات و خرۆشان و ڕاپەڕینی خۆخۆیی جەماوەریی نیشانەی هەڵکشانی ئاستی ناڕەزایەتی و بەرەنگاری و خۆهوشیاریی چەوساوانە دژی سیستەمی زاڵ و دەسەڵاتداران. هەرچەندە ناڕەزایەتییەکان و خرۆشانەکان و ڕاپەڕینەکان ناو و ڕەنگی جۆراوجۆر لە خۆبگرن، بەڵام لەنێوەڕۆکدا بەرنگاریبوونەوەی ستەمن، بەرەنگاربوونەوەی ملهوڕیی دەسەڵاتدارانن، ڕەتکردنەوەی سیستەمی زۆرداریی.

ڕاستە هۆکار و هاندەری ڕاپەڕینەوەی چەوساوان لەنێو شارەکانی ئێران کوشتنی مەهسا ئەمینی (کیژێکی ٢٢ ساڵەی کوردییزمان) بوو، کە بە گەشتێک لەتەک خێزانەکەی بۆ تاران چووبوو و بەبیانووی پەیڕەونەکردنی حیجابی ئیسلامی دەستگیرکراوە و لێیدراوە و ئەو لێدانە بوو بە هۆکاری مردنی و ملهوڕییەکی ئاشکرا و بەرچاوی دەسەڵاتداران بوو و دونیای هەژاند. بەڵام پەیام و کڕۆکی ڕاپەڕینی ئەم جارە هەم ناڕەزایەتی بوو بە کوشتنی ئەو و هەم پەیامێکی زۆر ڕادیکاڵ و سنووربەزێن بوو، بۆ نێوخۆی ئێران و جیهان، کە چەوساوان هەر زمان و ئێتنیی و ڕەگەز و تایبەتمەندییەکی کەسییان هەبێت، چەوساوەی دەستی یەک دوژمنی چینایەتی و یەک سیستەمن، ئیدی هەر ناو و ڕەنگێکی هەبێت.

ڕاپەڕینی ئەم جارە تێپەڕاندن و شکاندنی سنووربەندیی ڕاپەڕینەکانی پێشوو بوو لە باری هزر و بزووتن و ئامانج، ڕەتکردنەوەی ئەفسانەی نەتەوەچییەتی بوو، وەڵامێکی توند بوو بۆ حزبەکان کە هەر یەکە و بە ڕەنگ و ناوێک چەوسانەوە ناودەبات و هەر یەکەیان بە جۆرێک بۆ ئاراستەکردنی ناڕەزایەتیی چەوساوان هەوڵدەدات. ڕاپەڕینی ئەم جارە بەس پەیامێک بۆ ملهوڕانی نێو ئێران نەبوو، بەڵکو هەموو ملهوڕان بوو، هەر ئاوا پێش ئەوە پەیامێک بوو بۆ هەموو چەوساوان، کە چەوسانەوە نەتەوە و نەژاد و ڕەگەز و نیشتمانی نییە، هەر ئاوا کە چەوساوان نەتەوە و نەژاد و ڕەگەز و نیشتمانیان نییە و یەک دوژمنیان هەیە، کە ئەویش بوونی چینایەتیی خۆیان و کۆمەڵی چینایەتی و سەەروەریی چینایەتییە؛ یەک ئامانجی بنەڕەتیی و نێوکۆییان هەیە، ئازادکردنی ژیان و بوون لە ستەم و هەڕەشەکانی لەنێوچوون، ڕزگارکردنی گۆی زەمینە لە چەپاوڵگەریی سەرمایەداران و لە پاوانگەریی ڕامیاران.

ئێمە وەک سەکۆی ئەنارکیستانی کوردییزمان خۆمان بە بەشێک لە ناڕەزایەتی هەموو چەوساوانی جیهان لە هەموو شوێنێک دەزانین و لە هەموو ناڕەزایەتی و بەرەنگاری و خۆڕێکخستن و ڕاپەڕینێکی دژی کۆمەڵ و سیستەمی چینایەتی لە هەر ئاستێک هەبێت، پشتیوانی دەکەین و بەڕادەی توانایی و بوار بەشداریی دەکەین.

ناڕەزایەتی و خرۆشان و ڕاپەڕینی سەرتاسەریی ئەم ڕۆژانە توانی هاوکاتی ڕەتکردنەدوەی هەوڵی ڕامیاران و حزبەکان بۆ دابەشکردن و پارچەپارچەکردنی ناڕەزایەتییەکان و گۆڕینی بە بەردەبازی دەسەلاتخوازیی، هەنگاونانێکی کتوپڕ و کارا بێت بۆ یەکێتییەکی سەرتاسەریی چەوساوان.

ئێمە هاوخەمیی و ناڕەزایەتی خۆمان لەتەک خێزان و دۆستانی مەهسا ئەمینی و گیانبەخشانی نێو خۆنیشاندانەکان دەردەبڕین، یادی ئەو ئازیزانە لای ئێمە بەرز و نەمر دەمێنێت.

سەرکەوتوو بێت خەبات و خرۆشانی چەوساوان لە شارەکانی ئێران
سەرکەوتوو بێت یەکێتی چینایەتی چەوساوان
شکست بۆ هەوڵ و پاوانگەرییەکانی ڕامیارانی دەسەڵاتدار و ئۆپۆزسیۆن
بڕووخێت سەروەریی چینایەتی بە هەموو ناو و ڕەنگەکانییەوە

سەکۆی ئەنارکیستانی کوردیزمان
٢٣ سێبتەمبەری ٢٠٢٢

٢ مهر ١٤٠٠١


حکم زندان دوباره زندان سهیل عربی ***** سهيل عربي يحكم عليه بالسجن مرة أخرى ***** دووبارە سەپاندنەوەی سزای بەندکردن لە سەر سوهەیل عەرەبی ***** Soheil Arabi sentenced to prison again ***** Nouvelle condamnation pour Soheil Arabi ***** Soheil Arabi erneut zu einer Gefängnisstrafe verurteilt

حکم زندان دوباره زندان سهیل عربی

سهیل عربی یک فعال سیاسی آنارشیست است. او از ۷ نوامبر ۲۰۱۳ تا ۱۶ نوامبر ۲۰۲۱ زندانی سیاسی بود. دستگاه قضائی حکومت کنونی با استفاده از اتهاماتی همچون «توهین به مقدسات دینی، فعالیت تبلیغی علیه نظام و توهین به رهبری» وی را زندانی کرد . سهیل در طی سال‌های طولانی حبس نیز زیر فشار بود. نه فقط یک روز از مرخصی محروم ماند، بلکه برای «تنبیه» فزون‌تر او را از زندان تهران بزرگ به زندان رجایی‌شهر کرج بردند. این هم برای زندان‌بانان کافی نبود، بنابراین به سهیل زندان انفرادی را نیز تحمیل کردند. برای مثال او روز ۲۰ اکتبر ۲۰۲۰ به خانواده‌اش اطلاع داد که به مدت ۳۳ روز در زندان انفرادی بوده است.

هر چند سهیل دوران محکومیت خود را سپری کرده بود، اما بدون پیگیری وکیل نمی‌خواستند آزادش کنند. سرانجام او را آزاد کردند و گفتند که باید به مدت دو سال هزار کیلومتر دورتر از محل زندگی‌اش به تبعید برود. این چنین بود که او را به برازجان فرستادند.

سهیل عربی پرونده دیگری با اتهاماتی بس واهی با عناوینی چون «نشر اکاذیب به قصد تشویش اذهان عمومی به وسیله سامانه های مخابراتی» دارد. دادگاه تجدید نظر استان تهران روز ۱۶ دسامبر ۲۰۲۱ محکومیت‌های او را برای این پرونده تأیید کرد که عبارتند از: ۲ سال حبس تعزیری، پرداخت ۵ میلیون تومان جزای نقدی، لزوم کسب مجوز از مقام قضایی به منظور خروج از کشور به مدت ۲ سال و ۲ سال حضور فصلی در دفتر نظارت و پیگیری ضابطین.

روز ۷ آوریل ۲۰۲۲ برای سهیل عربی احضاریه‌ای فرستاده‌اند و از او خواسته‌اند که برای اجرای دو سال حبس ناعادلانه و بی‌دلیل خود را به مقامات قضائی معرفی کند. حکم زندان دوباره زندان سهیل و بقیه مجازات‌ها علیه او باید فوراً متوقف و لغو شوند. تعرض به حقوق ابتدائی سهیل عربی و همه فعالان سیاسی و اجتماعی بس است!

Continue reading “حکم زندان دوباره زندان سهیل عربی ***** سهيل عربي يحكم عليه بالسجن مرة أخرى ***** دووبارە سەپاندنەوەی سزای بەندکردن لە سەر سوهەیل عەرەبی ***** Soheil Arabi sentenced to prison again ***** Nouvelle condamnation pour Soheil Arabi ***** Soheil Arabi erneut zu einer Gefängnisstrafe verurteilt”

We stand against the military attacks of the Turkish state and call for the mass resistance ***** وێڕای ڕسواکردنی ھێرشەکانی دەوڵەتی تورکیە، بەرەنگاریی کۆمەڵایەتیی بانگەواز دەکەین ***** Gegen den Militärangriff des Türkischen Staates – Aufruf zum  Massenwiderstand ***** Forum des anarchistes de langue Kurde : Nous nous opposons aux attaques militaires de l’État turc au Kurdistan [irakien] et appelons à la résistance de masse

We stand against the military attacks of the Turkish state and call for the mass resistance

Once more, as with the last thirty years, the Turkish state’s military forces with the support of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the political parties that are within the regional government, launched a military attack against its opponents and radical social movements in the area. The military attacks have always been through land, also by fighter jets and recently by drones.

In the meantime throughout all this period the resistance of oppressed people and libertarians continued against these military attacks by the Turkish government. The resistance took different forms including people’s march for peace and against war, protests and attacks against the military basis of Turkish forces inside Kurdistan, campaigns of boycotting Turkish goods, blockade of production sites and attacks against Turkish companies wherever they are present.

The Turkish state is not only attacking the Iraqi Kurdistan and Rojava, in fact its political and military power has been extended to the Middles East, North Africa and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

The Turkish state is doing all these as a second powerful member of NATO before the eyes of the so called “international community” under the justification of protecting the human rights and the values of Islam. It does that by crossing all the borders without any restrictions and have been supported by the US, UK and the EU.

Having saying that, we are not complaining against or blaming the KRG, the Iraqi government or the political parties that are in power, because we know that they are united by their class interests. In our eyes they all are a united enemy class that support the capitalist state in Turkey against working class and exploited people. In opposition to them, we call for our unity with the whole exploited people in the region and the world and ask their support and solidarity.

We Kurdish-speaking anarchists have always been and will always remain against all types of wars. Our positions and attitudes regarding this were very clear. In the meantime we were supported the will and the struggles of the grassroots movement and the libertarians in Kurdistan, Iraq and Middle East.

We have tried, in the line of historical background of the libertarian position, to not take part in any sides of the wars. We have never surrendered to the ideologies of fighting against fascists or defending the homeland as excuses for taking part in wars side by side with the national Bourgeoisie or by the side of nationalist parties. We do not make distinctions between states whether they are small or big, developed industrialized or under developed and not industrialized country, imperialist or colonized. We never supported state’s military or its militia as we are against all kinds of superiority, class domination and authoritarianism. We struggle against all ideologies, like, protecting “our” country, nationalism, religion, dictatorial or democratic country, and Neo-liberal.
Therefore, considering our extremely limited forces, our imbalanced social force against the armies, the armed action’s uselessness in this given situation, we have resisted and will resist all attempts that try to drag us into military conflicts, into sacrificing ourselves to the interest of one side and into defending the nation and the state. So, we appealed to our comrades and supporters to continue and develop a non militaristic social struggle.

For us the anarchist, the issue is not only that we must not be part of any sides of the war between states and infighting militias, but it’s most importantly about maintaining and developing the social revolutionary front of the oppressed against the capitalist system, all armies and militias, against wars and inter bourgeois conflicts whenever that will be.

In such circumstances, if we cannot fight directly against the war, but we can at least, direct our actions and prioritize our tasks to develop and reinforce the anarchist movement through our involvement within the social movements of resistance and struggles.

Our war is the Self organizing of our struggles and of our resistances, it’s the social revolution and this cannot be achieved through any other methods like armed struggle, regime changes, parliamentary system and the political parties’ power plots. The history and the experience of the past struggles shows us that the social resistance and the social revolution rely on the revolutionary conscientiousness that emerges from the daily struggle of oppressed people in the society. We see ourselves as part of the same class movement and we are taking part in it to achieve our historical dreams.
when we are not strong enough to the level of being able to resist the war as an autonomous force, we instead can form an attacking combative resistance against the state on other social struggles.

It’s clear that even an armed resistance without having a clear class conscientiousness behind it, it will eventually transform to another form of domination over people or at least it will be controlled under the influence of the state for its benefits.
The defending of a liberated place or territory although it might not be right, we believe without any hesitation that defending it by weapons is our duty.

In line of the above for the present time we believe the below steps are necessary as immediate actions:

– General strike wherever is possible that can paralyze the movement of economy and military and sabotage the war mechanism .

blockading transportation of oil and gas to Turkey as both are the reasons for many of the current wars.

– Boycotting all Turkish goods, products and its companies wherever they are. replacing those goods by supporting and relying on local goods and products and trying to set up cooperatives and communes.

– Boycotting the Turkish state media channels and its culture centers wherever they are.

– Boycotting traveling with the Turkish airlines and holidays to Turkey.

– Calling on police, solders and Peshamarga to take the mutiny actions and to put their weapons down, leaving there barricades and the war fronts.

Encouraging people to protest against the Turkish military bases and its companies in Kurdistan.

– Self-organizing and preparing for any potential situation that may happen in the future, whether it is resistance or anything else.

– Collecting the basic necessities and providing support to displaced people from their land and support them to flee from this war.

– Broadcasting and writing about the crimes that the Turkish military commit, including killing innocent people, lifestocks and destroying villages and environment.

– Calling for a mass uprising in Kurdistan against the current KRG power as they are our direct class enemy and our exploiters, to support people and take part however and whatever we can.

Kurdish-speaking Anarchist Forum

19th April 2022







Continue reading “We stand against the military attacks of the Turkish state and call for the mass resistance ***** وێڕای ڕسواکردنی ھێرشەکانی دەوڵەتی تورکیە، بەرەنگاریی کۆمەڵایەتیی بانگەواز دەکەین ***** Gegen den Militärangriff des Türkischen Staates – Aufruf zum  Massenwiderstand ***** Forum des anarchistes de langue Kurde : Nous nous opposons aux attaques militaires de l’État turc au Kurdistan [irakien] et appelons à la résistance de masse”

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