ئەرشیفەکانى هاوپۆل: English

The Situation Inside of the Sudan

The Anarchist Group in Sudan

The Situation Inside

Our revolutionary comrades around the world — you have been following what happened in Al-Fashir and following developments on the platforms of groups interested in the revolution in Sudan — but we would like to share the following with you.

First, and after remembering our comrades who fought in Al-Fashir and Khartoum and raised the banner of the group: while we categorically reject the principle of bearing arms — because we understand that arming one of the warring components serves only imperialism and its interests in this war — our comrades who died had no option but to take up arms to defend themselves and their families. They did not belong to any military faction before the war, and when Al-Fashir was besieged and the Janjaweed attacked it, they had no choice but to defend themselves. They fought alongside the Popular Forces for Self-Defense, which continued to fight in the city even after the command of the 6th Division of the army withdrew.

Contact with our comrades was cut off on 9 September 2025, but we learned from their families after they fled to the long displacement camps that they were martyred defending themselves. They defended their right to life, freedom, and dignity. The least we can do for these comrades is to care for their families, with whom the group remains in contact. They sleep on the ground, scorched by the sun by day and battered by bitter cold at night; they suffer from severe malnutrition and poor medical care. We are doing everything in our power to reach out to their families and support them in honor of the fallen.

Comrade “Kahraba” used to say he hates the Kalashnikov, but he hates even more to have his freedom captured and his dignity humiliated. We should make clear that after our communications with the comrades were cut off, they were killed at different times, but we were unable to know because of the suffocating siege and communications blackout. We fear Janjaweed reprisals against their families who still remain in Janjaweed-controlled areas. We will limit ourselves to their names, which will be engraved in our hearts and in the history of the liberation movement.

We want to reassure you that our remaining comrades in the group are in areas far from armed clashes, but there are still comrades in Sudan who have not yet left and who carry the group’s voice to the world. There is no safe place in Sudan, where the country stands on the brink of a civil war like the one that happened in Rwanda. The state and the Janjaweed have begun mobilizing thousands for the coming confrontation. If the war does not stop, it will be a humanitarian catastrophe in which we expect millions of innocent people to die.

O comrades of the paths of liberation, O revolutionaries of the world — direct struggle against power carries a steep price: our lives and our freedoms. Your comrades in Sudan chose not to remain silent — that is the nature of revolutionaries. We want peace and call for peace and the rejection of war, yet the most horrific expressions of racist authority in Sudan, imperial domination, and international rivalry are manifesting themselves. One of our comrades’ well-known sayings is that “the weapon is the idea, and the idea is a weapon”: either you aim your idea at your executioner, or you die carrying it within yourself. Thus we live free or die as revolutionaries. Therefore we ask you to expand support campaigns worldwide: our comrades have a right upon us — their defense of Al-Fashir is a defense of all revolutionaries. After the fall of Al-Fashir in Sudan, the country faces either division into two military dictatorships or civil war and rivers of blood.

Donate to support your comrades in Sudan.

Glory and eternity to our free revolutionaries.

Secretary-General of the Group,

Claiming Freedom in Revolution and in War: an Introduction to the Anarchist Group in Sudan

Claiming Freedom in Revolution and in War: an Introduction to the Anarchist Group in Sudan

In 2024, Black Rose/Rosa Negra’s International Relations Committee began working closely with anarchist revolutionaries in Sudan. This relationship has involved the exchange of ideas, practical advice, and support.

Earlier in 2025, Black Rose/Rosa Negra organized a campaign to raise $20,000 USD on behalf of our Sudanese comrades, which they have since used to purchase a printing press.

In this article, developed in consultation with our Sudanese comrades, we provide a written account of how the organization now known as the Anarchist Group in Sudan (AGS) came into being.


By Morgan P.

The Sudanese Revolution was one of the great revolutionary upsurges of the 21st century. Like all too many of our great revolutions it has — for the moment at least — been throttled in blood and dictatorship. But also like all great revolutions, it was a crucible that forged significant new political ideologies and tendencies.

While anarchism is not new to Africa, like in many other parts of the world it has struggled recently to go beyond being an intellectual tradition or a lifestyle and toward becoming a living movement with substantial strategic recommendations. Through fully throwing themselves into the social movements that drove the Sudanese Revolution while simultaneously growing their own formal political organization, anarchists in Sudan have been able to develop a revolutionary practice that has real meaning for class struggle in their country. Despite their conditions being far different from ours here in the US, we can still learn valuable lessons from their experiences both in the process of revolutionary struggle, and in the current state of surviving under civil war and intense repression.

Before the outbreak of mass street protest in December 2018, Sudan had already been experiencing simmering opposition to the dictatorship of Omar al-Bashir and the crushing economic conditions that the people faced under his rule. And this atmosphere of successive outbursts of student and worker protests encouraged young student activists to study and look for ideologies that would help them overcome the many obstacles they faced. It was in this period that some of the founding members of the Anarchist Group in Sudan (AGS) first found anarchism, and that they founded the organization as a small group of five comrades in April 2017.

The AGS was initially a small student organization, and they began by focusing their efforts on establishing a foundation in Sudanese colleges. They organized secretly, and concentrated on the smaller, more peripheral campuses where the eye of the state would not be so intense. Within the context of the Sudanese opposition, clandestinity was common practice. AGS itself strategically avoided direct confrontation with power, with its members instead attempting to immerse themselves in spaces of broad popular struggle, particularly student unions. The reach of the group grew as they came into contact with more young activists seeking alternatives to the failed and stale political ideologies of yesterday.

As the organization grew, it attracted professionals such as lawyers and engineers — which was, through the Sudanese Professionals Association, a prominent organization representing a specific class layer driving the Revolution. The AGS began emphasizing recruitment more, and spread across many universities, and achieved influence within the coalition of student unions. As they grew, they used the name “Anarchist Federation of Sudan”, which a number of their statements appear online under, but ended up using the term “group” rather than “federation” as they operated as a single unitary organization.

The founding and initial growth of the AGS was well-timed to match the explosion of the Sudanese Revolution in December 2018. The Revolution was led by grassroots social movements such as workers unions, student unions, women’s organizations, and the neighborhood-based resistance committees.

Protesters celebrate the collapse of president Omar al-Bashir’s government in 2019.

The resistance committees are of particular note. Similar to the local coordination committees of the 2011 Syrian Revolution, the Sudanese resistance committees are essentially small groups of neighbors self-organized to participate in protest and the revolutionary process. Networking together as hundreds of local committees, they formed the fabric of the movement to overthrow al-Bashir. We see them as a classic example of popular power in practice, as neighbors confront state power and simultaneously begin taking control over their own neighborhood and creating the organizational structures of self-management that could replace the state.

The AGS actively worked in the resistance committees and student organizations during the first months of the Revolution while still staying underground. Militants were able to advocate for anarchist positions and influence the direction of groups without publicly announcing themselves as anarchists. Through participating in this mass upsurge in self-organization coupled with mass street confrontation, anarchism moved from an idea into a lived strategic practice. They saw anarchism as a pragmatic way to involve themselves in social struggle while contesting all of the authoritarian forces that oppress the Sudanese people, whether it be tribal, cultural, military, religious — a comprehensive struggle against all this and for freedom and individual rights.

The strategies proposed by anarchists in Sudan are unprecedented in addressing the complex social crisis. The principle of rejecting even small, grassroots authorities—such as tribal domination and racism based on ethnicity—forms the core of dismantling power structures in Sudanese society. This has psychological effects on the individual and social consequences that may bring them into direct confrontation with entrenched authority. However, we believe that freedom is indivisible, and every individual deserves to be free—even outside institutional power, including power within one’s own behavior. Authority is a social behavior rooted in the individual’s desire to monopolize violence and deprive others of freedom.

— Member of AGS during dialogue with members of BRRN, September 2025

Within the resistance committees, the AGS coordinated anarchist activity to push the committees in a more anti-authoritarian direction. The resistance committees were in many ways an organic expression of existing Sudanese society — the basic elements of solidarity and mutual aid that have been necessary to survive in a country where the government provides nothing for the survival of the people. While this gave them strength, it also meant that a lot of work needed to be done to give them the organized power and vision to challenge the state. The AGS worked, for example, to expand the nature of many committees from being more limited groups with a selected membership and president, vice-president, etc., into being open to everyone in the neighborhood to join and participate.

Protesters clash with security forces after the military coup initiated by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan in 2021.

Alongside the practical organizing work, the AGS initiated the organization of “thinking circles” to discuss anarchist ideas and worked on making anarchists texts available in Arabic. They put their modest membership dues to use printing anarchist pamphlets and organizing university events.

While the Sudanese social movements succeeded in overthrowing al-Bashir by April, the military took control of the government and the struggle deepened. On June 3rd, 2019, government forces conducted a massacre of a sit-in protest in Khartoum, martyring more than 100 and raping more than 70. This was just the largest of many massacres during this time, when many protesters and comrades were murdered by state forces. Workers responded to the June 3rd Khartoum massacre with a general strike that shut down the country, and brought the military leadership to the negotiating table. It was in this context, of a country on the brink, with the resistance committees taking control of territory, that the AGS first announced themselves to the public during a massive march in Khartoum on June 30th.

Predictably, they faced a large backlash after publicly declaring themselves as an anarchist organization. But because they had embedded themselves within the student unions and the resistance committees, and made themselves known to their fellow students and neighbors as committed comrades with sensible ideas, they were able to gain many new members. Many youth who were disillusioned in the false choices presented by the so-called leaders — including the “national liberation” state communists who had propped up the dictatorship — were drawn to the principled stand for freedom of the anarchists.

However, anarchism in Sudan was not able to grow freely for long. The mass uprising achieved a historic victory in forcing out the military dictatorship in July 2019, with a compromise civilian-military transitional government put in place. But this was an inherently unstable solution, and the military and ‘Rapid Support Forces’ (RSF) together led a counter-revolution in October 2021 that brought a renewal of harsh dictatorship.1 This too was an unstable solution, and the RSF and Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) fell out in a power struggle and initiated a civil war in April 2023. The tragedies that have spread across the country since then are too deep and numerous to detail in this account.

Heavily armed members of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)

The civil war, which has deep roots in both the legacies of British colonialism and in local histories of domination, is also a war for Black survival against attempted genocide. Ruling powers in Sudan, particularly the RSF, are Arab supremacists who seek to dominate and ethnically cleanse dark-skinned Sudanese ethnic groups from their lands. Our comrades report that slavery is being perpetrated against Black people in Sudan, and so they see the current struggle as one for liberation from racial authoritarianism.

As the revolutionary movement continued a bitter struggle against the return of military power, this period has seen many martyrs, including anarchist comrades such as Omar Habbash, a doctor in Al Fashir, Sara, a leading activist in Khartoum, and others. Comrades, wherever they are, are constantly under threat of prison – which generally means death within a month. Faced with these losses, the AGS is committed to continuing their struggle with selflessness and determination. As armed conflict spread, anarchist comrades had two general approaches – to fight with independent resistance militias that attempt to defend the people from the ravages of the RSF and Sudanese Armed Forces, or to focus on avoiding armed confrontation through planting ideas and organizing at the grassroots to grow the movement. The AGS supports both strategic approaches currently.

With the country being ripped apart in a proxy war by external powers like the United Arab Emirates and Egypt intent on exploiting its natural resources, as some seven different military factions unleash terror on the Sudanese people, the AGS has nonetheless survived. Members have been scattered as internal and sometimes external refugees, but have managed to stay in contact and coordinate. When possible, they help run communal kitchens, they help refugees reach safety, they provide medical care, they support resistance militias, and they continue anarchist propaganda whenever possible.

Black Rose / Rosa Negra has been coordinating solidarity for the AGS together with our comrade organizations in the International Coordination for Organized Anarchism (ICOA), in particular Die Plattform in Germany and Union Communiste Libertaire in France. Along with smaller initiatives, a public fundraising campaign riased more than $20,000 USD to support AGS in their purchasing an industrial printing press to use for both spreading anarchist propaganda and for providing a means of economic self-support. While the printing press has not yet been put into full operation due to the always-shifting front lines and waves of repression behind the lines, it is a symbol of the AGS’ determination that continuing revolutionary anarchist struggle is a practical necessity, even in the midst of one of the planet’s worst humanitarian catastrophes.

Image of printing press purchased by AGS using funds raised by Black Rose/Rosa Negra’s solidarity campaign.

Anarchists in Sudan believe that international solidarity will be critical in ending the conflict, particularly focusing on those powers that are fueling the civil war:

Combating foreign [state] intervention in Sudan’s war requires a global uprising of struggling networks to expose the entities profiting from the blood of the people—not only in Sudan but across the region. Ideally, their own populations should stand against them to stop the bloodshed in exchange for wealth accumulation. Everyone can contribute to exposing this crime of war sponsorship in their own locations and raise awareness among people that the war in Sudan can stop if the external support for it ends—then peace will follow.

— Member of AGS during dialogue with members of BRRN, September 2025

The political goal of the AGS now is, in the most immediate term, the end of the war and of the massacres committed by both the RSF and army. In the longer term, they continue struggling to overcome the tribal and ethnic divisions that have been exacerbated by racist colonialism to win the social revolution and create a self-managed socialist and feminist society in Sudan and throughout Africa.

As revolutionaries in the imperialist core, our lives are far removed from that of our comrades in Sudan. Nonetheless, we have much to learn from their experiences inserting themselves into the base a mass movement, transforming anarchism into a lived practice that is meaningful for the lives of working class people, acting collectively as a political force to influence the direction of movement struggle, and their determination to continue anarchist struggle even in the most challenging conditions. Support for our comrades in Sudan is important for all of us who want to see anarchism reborn as a true force for global liberation.


Notes

  1. The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) was initiated as a paramilitary group primarily composed of Janjaweed tribesmen. Previously it acted as an auxiliary force of the Sudanese state and was used by the military Junta which took power in 2019 to violently suppress popular protests. Since 2023 it has been in armed conflict with the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). ↩︎

Statement of the Anarchist Group in Sudan

The Anarchist Group in Sudan

Statement

To all revolutionaries of the world, to all liberatory socialists, to all anarchists:

Today we mourn the martyrdom of our comrades in Al-Fashir who fell defending their city, their families, and themselves. They are:

Faisal Adam Ali

Radwan Abdel Jabbar (“Kahraba”)

Adam Kibir Musa

Abdel Ghaffar Al-Tahir (“Al-Sini”)

We also mourn a number of volunteer youths who were killed by the terrorist Rapid Support Forces militia while their only “crime” was bringing food to the city’s residents.

We, in the Anarchist Group, call on comrades everywhere: the time has come to gather and stand with us against this destructive authoritarian war. We must raise awareness across the world about the mass extermination being carried out by the Rapid Support Forces militias — supported by the United Arab Emirates — which are turning their guns toward ethnic cleansing and genocide on racial grounds for the sake of vicious imperialist interests seeking to control resources and gold in exchange for blood. The world must not stand by and watch us in silence. Revolutionaries everywhere must know of our sacrifices and our struggle against savage capitalist terror, against the bloody authority, and against systematic ethnic cleansing.

We in the Anarchist Group in Sudan have lost comrades; some of our members were injured and some died; others face the imminent danger of war. Our families suffer from hunger, lack of medicine, and lack of food. We believed in anarchism in a land where authority is everywhere, and we fought to defend ourselves, our idea, and our unity. Today we need you — reach out your hands to us and stand with us so we can resist the authorities and the Janjaweed.

May the revolution endure — a poisoned dagger in the hearts of tyrants.

Ali Abdel Moneim

Donation link for the group زیاتر بخوێنەرەوە Statement of the Anarchist Group in Sudan

The concept of political Islam

By: Zaher Baher

October 2025

In this article, I aim to clarify, explain, and explore the roots of the concept of ‘political Islam’. I will address several crucial questions, such as: What is the purpose behind the way leftists and communists present this concept? Is its use in this particular framework deliberate or accidental? And are those who use it fully aware of its meaning?

The terms ‘political Islam’ and Islamist extremism have become common among political writers and analysts in the Middle East. In the United Kingdom, the media and politicians also use these terms, especially in the aftermath of terrorist attacks.

As far as I know, the term was first used by the Arab economist Samir Amin, and later adopted by leftists and communists in the region.

In my opinion, the use of the concept of political Islam in writing and literature is not only incorrect but also a serious misrepresentation by both leftists and Islamists even by those who use it out of ignorance.

I believe the most accurate term to use is Islamic authoritarian or authoritarian Muslim instead of the commonly used one. I base this view on the following reasons:

First, the way this concept has been used both politically and linguistically is incorrect. Muslim people may view the problems they face in their social lives and societies as political issues, but that does not necessarily mean they are fanatical or authoritarian. In other words, ordinary Muslims can address and resolve their problems without becoming extremists or seeking to seize power or establish a state in the name of Islam. They may politicize their issues and struggles, but this does not mean they themselves are political in the sense of belonging to any fanatical or terrorist Islamic organization.

Second, extremist actions and reactions can be found in all areas of society. Violence exists in every part of social life. People do not need to hold political power to be violent or authoritarian. The authority they already have may allow them to abuse others or use violence against those under their care, guidance, or influence. Teachers, parents, managers, directors, clan leaders, family heads, police officers, and other leaders can all be violent and authoritarian. Just as political leaders and governments often display violent tendencies, many of these individuals do as well. The justification for being abusive or authoritarian is often the desire to control others a tactic used to dominate and achieve power. Therefore, anyone who adopts this mindset, including those labelled as “political Islam” or “political Muslims,” can be considered extremist.

If this were not the case, why would a head of a household become extremist or violent toward their own family members? Similarly, why would a schoolteacher act violently toward students, a priest toward his followers, or a mullah or imam in a religious school (madrasa) toward his students? The same question applies to office managers, company directors, or factory supervisors who behave harshly toward their employees and workers.

This authoritarian tendency can also be applied to the heads of government whether in democratic or dictatorial systems and to politicians in positions of power. All of them seek to control those who are obedient and under their authority, often by imposing their power upon them. When they realize they can no longer maintain control or enforce their authority, they tend to resort to violence and oppression. Therefore, we can conclude that it is authoritarian tendencies that ultimately lead to violence.

In short, the root cause of violence is a potential tendency that exists within political parties, which becomes apparent when they come to power. It is essentially the desire for, or demand of, power.

When a government is unable to control mass movements, protesters, or demonstrators, it becomes clear that they cannot manage the situation, often leading them to resort to violence and, in some cases, even murder to suppress and oppress people. The same applies to terrorist groups, regardless of their name: when they cannot control certain individuals or contain a group, they often turn to violence and assassination as a tactic.

Obviously, the tools of violence* and repression are used twice: first, to gain power, and then, once in power, violence is employed again to maintain authority and control. Here, politics functions as a tactic, while power itself is the strategy, the ultimate goal. All political parties and their leaders, from left to right, religious or secular, prioritize one thing above all else: acquiring and maintaining power, regardless of the claims they make.

Third, if we look back at the creation and spread of Islam from the time of Prophet Muhammad to the present Islamic political groups and parties, whether fighting internally or externally, have always been and continue to be driven by the pursuit of power, and nothing else. All the conflicts and battles during the time of Prophet Muhammad, the Rashidun Caliphs**, the Umayyad and Abbasid states***, the Safavid and Ottoman empires, as well as between Shiites and Sunnis, were ultimately struggles for power, not purely for God or religion. Religion, in these cases, served primarily as a tactic to achieve the ultimate goal: power.

All Muslims, whether ordinary people or those in positions of authority, agree that God has the power to do anything. So why would God need Islam and Muslims to spread the religion through the use of force or any kind of power? Why would God need to create a state to promote Islam and expand the Muslim nation (the Ummah of Muhammad) when he could do so in an instant if he wished? In reality, the history of Islam from its very beginning shows that many disputes and killing both past and present, internal and external have been driven by the pursuit of power.

I also believe that the media, politicians, and political parties deliberately misuse this concept to restrict its meaning among certain groups. They want to tell us that these people are terrorists simply because they have disputes with “us.” It is presented as a “culture clash,” a “conflict between two civilizations,” or attributed to a lack of education and improper upbringing.

The media, politicians, and political parties, whether in power or in opposition, deceive us by saying these things. They want us to believe that violent people are born violent that it is in their blood. In fact, what they say serves to justify themselves and their position. They create the impression that they are engaging in politics to improve our lives, protect us, and provide opportunities for survival and peaceful living. What they do not tell us, however, is the nature of the politics and policies they intend to implement, many of which are very different from the promises they make while in opposition.

If they tell us that extremist right-wing groups and Islamic terrorist groups are authoritarian and that this is the reason for all the violence, how would people respond to them? Of course, by saying this, they are implicitly admitting that the essence of power found in the state, government, and authority is inherently violent and capable of terror.

Meanwhile, political parties in the Middle East deliberately use this concept. They avoid using the term authoritarian Islam. Similarly, leftists and communists consciously use the term in a way that constitutes a serious betrayal or injustice to “political Islam” or political Muslims, labelling them as if the term applies only to them, while ignoring themselves and other parties that share similar tendencies.

What is clear regarding these leftist, communist, and other political parties in the UK whether in power or in opposition is that their use of this term serves to exclude themselves from other oppressive and extremist forces while presenting themselves as champions of freedom and human rights. Therefore, if these parties label others as Islamic or authoritarian Muslims, they should, by the same standard, be included themselves. After all, they advocate for democratic states, communist states, nation-states, civil states, and workers’ or proletarian states. They are no different from authoritarian Islamists who seek the power of a caliphate, because the common factor on both sides is a strong belief in ideology and a tendency toward authoritarianism and repression. Neither side is less extreme than the other.

* Undoubtedly, there are many tools and forms of violence and repression, ranging from speech to the creation of laws, all used to silence and oppress

** The Rashidun Caliphs, or “Rightly Guided Caliphs,” were the first four leaders of the Islamic community following the death of Prophet Muhammad: Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman, and Ali. Their 29-year reign (632–661 CE), known as the Rashidun Caliphate, is regarded by many Muslims as a model of ideal Islamic governance.

*** The Umayyad state, also known as the Umayyad Caliphate, was the second Islamic caliphate, ruling from 661 to 750 CE with its capital in Damascus. It was the first Islamic dynasty, established by Muʿawiya I following the death of the fourth caliph, Ali. The Umayyad state became one of the largest empires in history, stretching from Spain in the west to Central Asia in the east.

The Abbasid Caliphate was a vast Islamic empire that ruled from 750 to 1258 CE, with its capital in Baghdad. As the third Islamic caliphate, it overthrew the Umayyad dynasty and ushered in the Golden Age of Islam, a period marked by major achievements in science, culture, and philosophy. The Abbasids were a dynasty descended from Abbas ibn Abd al-Muttalib, the uncle of the Prophet Muhammad.

Zaherbaher.com

For the ninth consecutive night, hundreds of Moroccans demonstrated*

06/10/2025

For the ninth consecutive night, young Moroccans took to the streets in cities across the country on Sunday, demanding an end to corruption and a change of government. The demonstrations, organized by the GenZ 212 group on social networks and whose founders are unknown, have swept the once very stable North African country since September Protesters are calling for reforms in social services, particularly health and education, and expressing anger at social inequality.

 According to live Moroccan media broadcasts, demonstrators gathered in the working class neighborhood of Fida in Casablanca and demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Aziz Akhnoush. Media also showed that similar slogans were chanted in the northern city of Titwan, where hundreds of people gathered.

In the capital Rabat, about 100 demonstrators gathered in front of the country’s parliament, shouting “the government is corrupt. “Reforms in the health and education sectors are very necessary. We know this will take time, but we have to start somewhere,” Imrani, 20, said at the demonstration.

 GenZ 212, which has more than 180,000 members on the social networking site Discord, emphasizes the peaceful nature of its demonstrations and the rallies have so far been generally non-violent. But local reports said there was violence in several small towns after Wednesday’s demonstrations. That night, three people were killed by security forces in what authorities called a “legitimate defense” after protesters allegedly tried to attack a base in the village of Laqlia.

 The protests follow rallies that erupted in several cities in mid-September after news broke that eight pregnant women had died at a public hospital in Agadir for childbirth surgery. Protesters see the deaths as evidence of shortcomings in the public health sector, which has sparked wider protests about social inequality.

* The Rudaw Digital

Postal workers in Canada decided to strike

27/09/2025

On Saturday afternoon, Canada Post workers went on strike following the government’s decision to end door-to-door mail delivery.

 The union says it is shocked by the government’s decision on the government’s decree on sweeping changes in the national service. The union, which represents Canada Post employees, described the proposed changes as an “attack” on workers who have struggled to compete with an increase in low-fee private delivery services .

The strike, announced late Thursday by the union, marks the second time in the last 12 months that the country’s postal service has stopped for the duration of the strike with mail and parcels being stopped and no delivery and no new items accepted.

For more than 20 months, protracted negotiations between the union and the Postal Service have continued with no clear agreement in sight. The Postal Service has struggled against the rise of private services driven by delivery that work more often and at a lower cost. Mail delivery, which peaked in 2006, has also slowed dramatically.

The wave of protests reached the Philippines

20/09/2025

In our post on the protests in Nepal, we said one of the positive points there was that it would be an incentive for people in other countries when the protests were successful.

Hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets against corruption in the Philippines on Sunday, sparking a flood of anger against corruption and corrupted officials who have spent billions of dollars on fake relief projects.

 Lawmakers and officials have reportedly pocketed huge sums of money in exchange for contracts, while the money for important projects aimed at protecting the country from flood damage has not been completed. The estimated £1.48 billion spent on flood defense over the past two  supposed to be spent on flood control projects.

Greenpeace has estimated that the cost is higher, saying that more than £13 billion will be taken by 2023 from climate-related projects.

The allegations that have rocked the country first surfaced in July as monsoon rains and storms battered towns and cities, causing misery for millions. The Philippines experiences an average of 20 major typhoons a year, making it one of the most vulnerable countries to natural disasters.

 The demonstrations were largely peaceful, although police arrested 72 people in two separate incidents, including 20 minors, and 39 police officers were reportedly injured.

Sunday’s protests took place on a historic day: On September 21, 1972, President Marcos’ father and namesake, the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, imposed martial law and seized power for another 14 years, he was accused of plundering $10 billion

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Protests and demonstrations in the region complement each other

16/09/2025

Protests and demonstrations in the region complement each other

 This year’s and last year’s protests and those before the coronavirus era and their beginnings in the Middle East and Asia complement each other. Not only that, they have the same social environment and the same economic and political basis.

 What happened in Nepal in recent days and led to the overthrow of power and change there it complemented the experience, courage and inspiration of previous events in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Iran and elsewhere.

There was immortality, unemployment, corruption, increased cost of living, low wages and lack of freedom, all of which are common among these countries.

In each case the specific grievances against the leaders were different, but the broader socioeconomic frustrations of the young people who revolted against an aging and corrupt political class were remarkably similar. All countries have growing youth populations – nearly 40% of the South Asian population is under 18 – but this so-called “youth dividend” is seen as being largely wasted due to poor education, lack of jobs, sustained low wages and poor living standards.

 Chittig Bajpai, a senior fellow for South Asia at Chatham House, said the youth-led movement emerging in Nepal, Indonesia, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka addressed “several structural challenges facing countries across the region their ambition, economic distress and demographic pressures.”

 For the majority of young Nepalese struggling with energy-sapping inflation, economic hardship and high youth unemployment – ​​driving millions to find exploitative and often deadly jobs abroad in places like the Gulf – images of wealth and luxury were damning proof that Nepal’s political system is broken. Nepalese authorities and politicians see the protests as a conspiracy and interference by anti-government parties, but in fact this is a big lie as 14 prime ministers have changed in Nepal in 16 years to solve the problems, but instead the problems have deepened.

 Ashish Pradhan, Nepal expert at Crisis Group, said: “There was a lot of chatter online about being inspired by Bangladeshis, by Sri Lankans and by what was happening with the student movement in Indonesia be.'” Anoja Pandey, 26, one of the faces of the Gen Z protests, maintained that the overthrow of the Oli government was not part of any pre-planned conspiracy. “The wealth of those in power and their access had grown tremendously; while others continue to suffer ,” she said. “Our generation, Gen Z, is bearing the cost of this and that’s what made us take to the streets.”

Mass demonstrations are likely to resume in Turkey

15/09/2025

 The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government’s dictatorial rule, lack of freedoms, depreciation of the Turkish currency, the lira, inflation, unemployment, women’s issues and feminism will cause another wave of mass demonstrations and protests in Turkey.

Yesterday, Sunday, tens of thousands of people from the oposition parties of the Turkish government and others took to the streets of Ankara for these reasons.

The court decision on Monday whether to invalidate the 2023 congress of the Republican People’s party (CHP) over alleged procedural irregularities could reshape the party, rattle financial markets and influence the timing of a general election set for 2028. The court could also delay the ruling.

More than 500 supporters of the opposition parties, including 17 mayors, have been arrested since last year. As the 2028 general elections approach, the Turkish government’s attacks on opposition parties in the name of eradicating corruption are increasing.

These attacks on members of opposition parties and anyone else who speaks out against the government are on the rise. This has increased the wave of protests and is likely to lead to a wave of mass protests. Another reason for people’s frustration with Turkey is Turkey’s foreign policy by interfering in Syria and other countries and supporting some terrorist groups.

The frustration of the protests is such that change can happen in Turkey, whether through elections or otherwise, but what is clear is that radical change will not happen through elections and a coup d’etat of army generals. Radical change comes through the people themselves through direct actions and direct democracy, which is the only way to end oppression, inequality, social injustice and elite rule.

Statement of the Anarchist Group of Sudan – Al Amal,

17/05/2025

From our deep understanding of social revolution as anarchists and our
revolutionary duty, we present our perspective and proposals for
solutions concerning our beloved homeland and its people. —- We have
witnessed how political forces, alongside their ally, the Janjaweed, and
the same forces that conspired with them to violently disperse the
sit-in and kill Sudanese youth, have now agreed to divide the country
after failing in their attempt to fully control it. —- The Sudanese
street, which united with conscious revolutionary spontaneity under
clear slogans-»The military to the barracks, the Janjaweed must
dissolve»-is now facing an attempt by all the forces it stood against to
slaughter its revolution.

The Janjaweed’s adoption of revolutionary principles, along with their
allies, is nothing but empty slogans devoid of meaning. The wolf is
trying to wear the sheep’s wool. We therefore warn revolutionaries
worldwide against falling for their vile tricks. Any support directed
towards political forces in Sudan ultimately serves the
counter-revolution and buries it.

Just as counter-revolutionary forces have always sought to criminalize
revolutionary action, the propaganda of the former regime is
intensifying. We categorically reject the exploitation of the Sudanese
people’s sacrifices in defending themselves against the imperialist
partitioning project, carried out by political forces affiliated with
the former regime. The Sudanese people fought against the Janjaweed in
self-defense, not for political gain or power.

A Message to the Revolutionaries

The Janjaweed, their political allies, and the remnants of the former
regime are enemies of the revolution. This fact has not changed, and the
revolution continues. We urge you to reject the racial supremacist
discourse that has spread during this war and to unite against the
systematic war propaganda. Do not be dragged behind ideological
propaganda; instead, assess the revolutionary situation truthfully.

The right to self-defense is a natural right. We do not oppose anyone
defending themselves, their land, or their family-this is an inherent
human right.

We have witnessed horrific crimes committed by the warring factions.
While we stand firmly against the Janjaweed until they are completely
dissolved, we also condemn all unjustified crimes committed by state
forces. Even under oppressive laws, the right to self-defense is
recognized, and legal frameworks exist for addressing crimes. We reject
the extrajudicial application of justice, as it only perpetuates cycles
of revenge. Crime cannot be countered with another crime.

We call upon revolutionaries to unite behind the idea of mutual aid and
solidarity, so we may rise from the wreckage of these schemes that seek
to bury the revolution. And we say this: Whoever tries to bury the
revolution, know that revolution is a seed-once buried, it will only
grow into stronger and more fruitful trees.

Long live the revolution!

Long live freedom!

22d of February, 2025