شۆڕش بە گوتار و نوسین و دیبەیت و هەهەلهەلەی هەڵبژردن و چاوەڕوانی شۆڕشی جیهانی خۆ دۆزینەوەیە لە شۆڕش!
هەموو کوچەو گۆڵانێک شۆڕشگێڕی خۆبەخش و جەسوری دەوێت کە هەڵگێڕانەوەی چین بە چینی دیوار و خشتی ئەم سیستەمەی بە ئامانج گرتبێت و تەیار بە فکری سۆشیالیستی و دژە دەوڵەت و دەسەڵات و دەسەڵاتخوازی!!
Our fellow revolutionaries around the world, you have been following the events in El Fasher and the developments through the platforms of groups concerned with the revolution in Sudan. However, we would like to inform you of the following:
First, after paying tribute to our comrades who struggled in El Fasher and Khartoum and who became beacons of light for the group, we declare that while we completely reject the principle of bearing arms—as we are aware that arming one side or the other in the conflict serves only imperialism and its interests in this war—our fallen comrades had no choice but to take up arms and defend themselves and their families. They did not belong to any military faction before the war, and when the siege of El Fasher began and the Janjaweed attacked, they had no option but to defend themselves. They fought alongside the Popular Self-Defense Forces, which continued fighting in the city even after the withdrawal of the Sixth Division Command of the army.
Contact with our comrades was lost on September 9, 2025, but we learned from their families, after their displacement to the Tawila area and the camps for displaced persons, that they were martyred defending them. They were defending themselves as a natural right to life, freedom, and dignity.
The least we can do for these comrades is to care for their families, with whom the group is in contact. These families are sleeping on the ground, scorched by the sun during the day, and enduring hardship. The bitter cold at night, as well as their severe malnutrition and lack of healthcare, are causing them hardship. We are doing everything we can to help their families in their honor. Comrade Kahraba used to say that he hated the Kalashnikov, but he hated even more the loss of his freedom and the humiliation of his dignity.
We also want to clarify that after our contact with the comrades was cut off, they were martyred at different times, but we were unable to confirm this due to the suffocating siege and the communications blackout. We fear the Janjaweed’s revenge against their families who are still in Janjaweed-controlled areas. We will suffice with their names, which will be engraved in our hearts and in the history of the liberation movement.
We want to reassure everyone that our comrades in the group remain in areas far from the armed clashes. However, there are still comrades in Sudan who have not yet left to convey the group’s message to the world. But there is no safe place in Sudan, as the country teeters on the brink of a civil war, like the one in Rwanda. The state and the Janjaweed have begun mobilizing thousands for the coming confrontation, and if the war does not stop, it will be a humanitarian catastrophe in which we expect millions of innocent people to die.
O comrades of the path of liberation, O revolutionaries of the world, the direct struggle against authority comes at a heavy price on expense of our lives and our freedoms. Your comrades in Sudan have chosen not to remain silent, and this is the nature of revolutionaries. While we desire peace, call for peace, and reject war, the most heinous experiences of racist authority, imperialist hegemony, and international conflict are manifesting themselves in Sudan.
One of our comrades’ famous sayings is that the weapon is the idea, and the idea is the weapon. Either you direct your idea against your oppressor, or you die carrying it for yourself. This is how we live: free or die as revolutionaries. Therefore, we ask you to expand support campaigns throughout the world, for our comrades have a right upon us. Their defense of El Fasher is a defense of all revolutionaries. After the fall of El Fasher in Sudan, there will be either the division into two dictatorial military states or a civil war and rivers of blood.
رفاقنا الثوار في كل العالم لقد تابعتم ما حدث في الفاشر وقد كنتم تتابعون عبر منصات المجموعات المهتمة بالثورة في السودان تطورات الوضع ولكننا نود أن نعكس لكم الأتي:
اولا وبعد الخلود لرفاقنا الذين ناضلوا في الفاشر والخرطوم وعلوا مشاعل للمجموعة أننا وحيث نرفض مبداء حمل السلاح تماما حيث أننا مدركين ان التسليح في طرف احد المكونات المتصارعة لا يخدم سوى الإمبريالية ومصالحها في هذه الحرب ما كان لرفاقنا الذين توفوا خيار سوى حمل السلاح والدفاع عن أنفسهم وأسرهم ، ذلك وحيث أنهم لم يكونوا ينتمون لأي فصيل عسكري قبل الحرب وعندما بداء حصار الفاشر وهجوم الجنجويد عليها فلم يكن لهم خيار سوى الدفاع عن أنفسهم فقاتلوا إلي جانب القوات الشعبية للدفاع عن النفس والتي بقيت تقاتل في المدينة حتى بعد انسحاب قيادة الفرقة السادسة للجيش ، لقد انقطع الاتصال برفاقنا منذ 9 سبتمبر 2025 ولكننا علمنا من أسرهم بعد نزوحهم إلي منطقة طويلة لمعسكرات النازحين أنهم استشهدوا دفاعا عنهم هم يدافعون عن أنفسهم ك حق طبيعي للحياة ولحريتهم وكرامتهم ، إن ابسط م يمكن تقديمه لهؤلاء الرفاق هو العناية بأسرهم والذين تتواصل معهم المجموعة و يفترشون الأرض وتحرقهم حرارة الشمس في النهار ويعصف بهم البرد القارس في الليل كما يعانون من سوء التغذية الحاد والرعاية الصحية نحن نفعل ما في وسعنا لمد يد العون لأسرهم تكريما لهم وقد كان الرفيق كهرباء يقول انه يكره الكلاشنكوف ولكنه يكره أكثر ان تؤسر حريته وتهان كرامته ، كما نوضح لكم انه بعد انقطاع اتصالنا بالرفاق قد استشهدوا في فترات متباعدة ولكننا لم نستطيع معرفة ذلك بسبب الحصار الخانق وانقطاع الاتصالات ، أننا نخشى من انتقام الجنجويد من أسرهم التي ما تذال في مناطق سيطرة الجنجويد نكتفي بأسمائهم التي ستحفر في قلوبنا وفي تاريخ الحركة التحررية
ونريد ان نطمئن ان بقيت رفاقنا في المجموعة في مناطق بعيدة عن الاشتباكات المسلحة ولكن ما يذال هنالك رفاق في السودان لم يخرجوا بعد ويوصلون صوت المجموعة الي العالم ولكن لا مكان أمن في السودان حيث تقف البلاد علي شبح موت حرب أهلية، مثل التي حدثت في رواندا حيث بداة الدولة والجنجويد بحشد الالاف للمواجهة القادمة وان لم تتوقف الحرب ستكون كارثة بشرية نتوقع فيها موت الملايين من الأبرياء
يا رفاق الدروب التحررية يا ثوار العالم ان النضال المباشر ضد السلطة ثمنه باهظ ثمنه ارواحنا وحرياتنا وقد اختار رفاقكم في السودان ان لا يصمتوا وهذه طباع الثوريين وأننا إذ نريد السلام وندعوا للسلام ونبذ الحرب ، ولكن تتجلي ابشع تجارب السلطة العنصرية في السودان والهيمنة الامبريالية والتناحر الدولي ، ان من احدي مقولات الرفاق المشهورة لدينا ان السلاح هو الفكرة والفكرة سلاح فإما ان توجه فكرتك نحو جلادك أو تموت وانت تحملها لذاتك ، هكذا نحن نعيش أحرار أو نموت ثوار ، لذلك نطلب منكم ان توسعوا حملات الدعم في كل العالم فإن لرفاقنا علينا حق فدفاعهم عن الفاشر دفاع عن كل الثوار فإن بعد سقوط الفاشر في السودان إمى تقسيم لدولتين دكتاتورييتين عسكرييتين وإما حرب أهلية وانهار من الدم
رفاقنا الثوار في كل العالم لقد تابعتم ما حدث في الفاشر وقد كنتم تتابعون عبر منصات المجموعات المهتمة بالثورة في السودان تطورات الوضع ولكننا نود أن نعكس لكم الأتي
اولا وبعد الخلود لرفاقنا الذين ناضلوا في الفاشر والخرطوم وعلوا مشاعل للمجموعة أننا وحيث نرفض مبداء حمل السلاح تماما حيث أننا مدركين ان التسليح في طرف احد المكونات المتصارعة لا يخدم سوى الإمبريالية ومصالحها في هذه الحرب ما كان لرفاقنا الذين توفوا خيار سوى حمل السلاح والدفاع عن أنفسهم وأسرهم ، ذلك وحيث أنهم لم يكونوا ينتمون لأي فصيل عسكري قبل الحرب وعندما بداء حصار الفاشر وهجوم الجنجويد عليها فلم يكن لهم خيار سوى الدفاع عن أنفسهم فقاتلوا إلي جانب القوات الشعبية للدفاع عن النفس والتي بقيت تقاتل في المدينة حتى بعد انسحاب قيادة الفرقة السادسة للجيش ، لقد انقطع الاتصال برفاقنا منذ 9 سبتمبر 2025 ولكننا علمنا من أسرهم بعد نزوحهم إلي منطقة طويلة لمعسكرات النازحين أنهم استشهدوا دفاعا عنهم هم يدافعون عن أنفسهم ك حق طبيعي للحياة ولحريتهم وكرامتهم ، إن ابسط م يمكن تقديمه لهؤلاء الرفاق هو العناية بأسرهم والذين تتواصل معهم المجموعة و يفترشون الأرض وتحرقهم حرارة الشمس في النهار ويعصف بهم البرد القارس في الليل كما يعانون من سوء التغذية الحاد والرعاية الصحية نحن نفعل ما في وسعنا لمد يد العون لأسرهم تكريما لهم وقد كان الرفيق كهرباء يقول انه يكره الكلاشنكوف ولكنه يكره أكثر ان تؤسر حريته وتهان كرامته ، كما نوضح لكم انه بعد انقطاع اتصالنا بالرفاق قد استشهدوا في فترات متباعدة ولكننا لم نستطيع معرفة ذلك بسبب الحصار الخانق وانقطاع الاتصالات ، أننا نخشى من انتقام الجنجويد من أسرهم التي ما تذال في مناطق سيطرة الجنجويد نكتفي بأسمائهم التي ستحفر في قلوبنا وفي تاريخ الحركة التحررية ونريد ان نطمئن ان بقيت رفاقنا في المجموعة في مناطق بعيدة عن الاشتباكات المسلحة ولكن ما يذال هنالك رفاق في السودان لم يخرجوا بعد ويوصلون صوت المجموعة الي العالم ولكن لا مكان أمن في السودان حيث تقف البلاد علي شبح موت حرب أهلية، مثل التي حدثت في رواندا حيث بداة الدولة والجنجويد بحشد الالاف للمواجهة القادمة وان لم تتوقف الحرب ستكون كارثة بشرية نتوقع فيها موت الملايين من الأبرياء
يا رفاق الدروب التحررية يا ثوار العالم ان النضال المباشر ضد السلطة ثمنه باهظ ثمنه ارواحنا وحرياتنا وقد اختار رفاقكم في السودان ان لا يصمتوا وهذه طباع الثوريين وأننا إذ نريد السلام وندعوا للسلام ونبذ الحرب ، ولكن تتجلي ابشع تجارب السلطة العنصرية في السودان والهيمنة الامبريالية والتناحر الدولي ، ان من احدي مقولات الرفاق المشهورة لدينا ان السلاح هو الفكرة والفكرة سلاح فإما ان توجه فكرتك نحو جلادك أو تموت وانت تحملها لذاتك ، هكذا نحن نعيش أحرار أو نموت ثوار ، لذلك نطلب منكم ان توسعوا حملات الدعم في كل العالم فإن لرفاقنا علينا حق فدفاعهم عن الفاشر دفاع عن كل الثوار فإن بعد سقوط الفاشر في السودان إمى تقسيم لدولتين دكتاتورييتين عسكرييتين وإما حرب أهلية وانهار من الدم
Our revolutionary comrades around the world — you have been following what happened in Al-Fashir and following developments on the platforms of groups interested in the revolution in Sudan — but we would like to share the following with you.
First, and after remembering our comrades who fought in Al-Fashir and Khartoum and raised the banner of the group: while we categorically reject the principle of bearing arms — because we understand that arming one of the warring components serves only imperialism and its interests in this war — our comrades who died had no option but to take up arms to defend themselves and their families. They did not belong to any military faction before the war, and when Al-Fashir was besieged and the Janjaweed attacked it, they had no choice but to defend themselves. They fought alongside the Popular Forces for Self-Defense, which continued to fight in the city even after the command of the 6th Division of the army withdrew.
Contact with our comrades was cut off on 9 September 2025, but we learned from their families after they fled to the long displacement camps that they were martyred defending themselves. They defended their right to life, freedom, and dignity. The least we can do for these comrades is to care for their families, with whom the group remains in contact. They sleep on the ground, scorched by the sun by day and battered by bitter cold at night; they suffer from severe malnutrition and poor medical care. We are doing everything in our power to reach out to their families and support them in honor of the fallen.
Comrade “Kahraba” used to say he hates the Kalashnikov, but he hates even more to have his freedom captured and his dignity humiliated. We should make clear that after our communications with the comrades were cut off, they were killed at different times, but we were unable to know because of the suffocating siege and communications blackout. We fear Janjaweed reprisals against their families who still remain in Janjaweed-controlled areas. We will limit ourselves to their names, which will be engraved in our hearts and in the history of the liberation movement.
We want to reassure you that our remaining comrades in the group are in areas far from armed clashes, but there are still comrades in Sudan who have not yet left and who carry the group’s voice to the world. There is no safe place in Sudan, where the country stands on the brink of a civil war like the one that happened in Rwanda. The state and the Janjaweed have begun mobilizing thousands for the coming confrontation. If the war does not stop, it will be a humanitarian catastrophe in which we expect millions of innocent people to die.
O comrades of the paths of liberation, O revolutionaries of the world — direct struggle against power carries a steep price: our lives and our freedoms. Your comrades in Sudan chose not to remain silent — that is the nature of revolutionaries. We want peace and call for peace and the rejection of war, yet the most horrific expressions of racist authority in Sudan, imperial domination, and international rivalry are manifesting themselves. One of our comrades’ well-known sayings is that “the weapon is the idea, and the idea is a weapon”: either you aim your idea at your executioner, or you die carrying it within yourself. Thus we live free or die as revolutionaries. Therefore we ask you to expand support campaigns worldwide: our comrades have a right upon us — their defense of Al-Fashir is a defense of all revolutionaries. After the fall of Al-Fashir in Sudan, the country faces either division into two military dictatorships or civil war and rivers of blood.
Claiming Freedom in Revolution and in War: an Introduction to the Anarchist Group in Sudan
In 2024, Black Rose/Rosa Negra’s International Relations Committee began working closely with anarchist revolutionaries in Sudan. This relationship has involved the exchange of ideas, practical advice, and support.
Earlier in 2025, Black Rose/Rosa Negra organized a campaign to raise $20,000 USD on behalf of our Sudanese comrades, which they have since used to purchase a printing press.
In this article, developed in consultation with our Sudanese comrades, we provide a written account of how the organization now known as the Anarchist Group in Sudan (AGS) came into being.
By MorganP.
The Sudanese Revolution was one of the great revolutionary upsurges of the 21st century. Like all too many of our great revolutions it has — for the moment at least — been throttled in blood and dictatorship. But also like all great revolutions, it was a crucible that forged significant new political ideologies and tendencies.
While anarchism is not new to Africa, like in many other parts of the world it has struggled recently to go beyond being an intellectual tradition or a lifestyle and toward becoming a living movement with substantial strategic recommendations. Through fully throwing themselves into the social movements that drove the Sudanese Revolution while simultaneously growing their own formal political organization, anarchists in Sudan have been able to develop a revolutionary practice that has real meaning for class struggle in their country. Despite their conditions being far different from ours here in the US, we can still learn valuable lessons from their experiences both in the process of revolutionary struggle, and in the current state of surviving under civil war and intense repression.
Before the outbreak of mass street protest in December 2018, Sudan had already been experiencing simmering opposition to the dictatorship of Omar al-Bashir and the crushing economic conditions that the people faced under his rule. And this atmosphere of successive outbursts of student and worker protests encouraged young student activists to study and look for ideologies that would help them overcome the many obstacles they faced. It was in this period that some of the founding members of the Anarchist Group in Sudan (AGS) first found anarchism, and that they founded the organization as a small group of five comrades in April 2017.
The AGS was initially a small student organization, and they began by focusing their efforts on establishing a foundation in Sudanese colleges. They organized secretly, and concentrated on the smaller, more peripheral campuses where the eye of the state would not be so intense. Within the context of the Sudanese opposition, clandestinity was common practice. AGS itself strategically avoided direct confrontation with power, with its members instead attempting to immerse themselves in spaces of broad popular struggle, particularly student unions. The reach of the group grew as they came into contact with more young activists seeking alternatives to the failed and stale political ideologies of yesterday.
As the organization grew, it attracted professionals such as lawyers and engineers — which was, through the Sudanese Professionals Association, a prominent organization representing a specific class layer driving the Revolution. The AGS began emphasizing recruitment more, and spread across many universities, and achieved influence within the coalition of student unions. As they grew, they used the name “Anarchist Federation of Sudan”, which a number of their statements appear online under, but ended up using the term “group” rather than “federation” as they operated as a single unitary organization.
The founding and initial growth of the AGS was well-timed to match the explosion of the Sudanese Revolution in December 2018. The Revolution was led by grassroots social movements such as workers unions, student unions, women’s organizations, and the neighborhood-based resistance committees.
Protesters celebrate the collapse of president Omar al-Bashir’s government in 2019.
The resistance committees are of particular note. Similar to the local coordination committees of the 2011 Syrian Revolution, the Sudanese resistance committees are essentially small groups of neighbors self-organized to participate in protest and the revolutionary process. Networking together as hundreds of local committees, they formed the fabric of the movement to overthrow al-Bashir. We see them as a classic example of popular power in practice, as neighbors confront state power and simultaneously begin taking control over their own neighborhood and creating the organizational structures of self-management that could replace the state.
The AGS actively worked in the resistance committees and student organizations during the first months of the Revolution while still staying underground. Militants were able to advocate for anarchist positions and influence the direction of groups without publicly announcing themselves as anarchists. Through participating in this mass upsurge in self-organization coupled with mass street confrontation, anarchism moved from an idea into a lived strategic practice. They saw anarchism as a pragmatic way to involve themselves in social struggle while contesting all of the authoritarian forces that oppress the Sudanese people, whether it be tribal, cultural, military, religious — a comprehensive struggle against all this and for freedom and individual rights.
The strategies proposed by anarchists in Sudan are unprecedented in addressing the complex social crisis. The principle of rejecting even small, grassroots authorities—such as tribal domination and racism based on ethnicity—forms the core of dismantling power structures in Sudanese society. This has psychological effects on the individual and social consequences that may bring them into direct confrontation with entrenched authority. However, we believe that freedom is indivisible, and every individual deserves to be free—even outside institutional power, including power within one’s own behavior. Authority is a social behavior rooted in the individual’s desire to monopolize violence and deprive others of freedom.
— Member of AGS during dialogue with members of BRRN, September 2025
Within the resistance committees, the AGS coordinated anarchist activity to push the committees in a more anti-authoritarian direction. The resistance committees were in many ways an organic expression of existing Sudanese society — the basic elements of solidarity and mutual aid that have been necessary to survive in a country where the government provides nothing for the survival of the people. While this gave them strength, it also meant that a lot of work needed to be done to give them the organized power and vision to challenge the state. The AGS worked, for example, to expand the nature of many committees from being more limited groups with a selected membership and president, vice-president, etc., into being open to everyone in the neighborhood to join and participate.
Protesters clash with security forces after the military coup initiated by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan in 2021.
Alongside the practical organizing work, the AGS initiated the organization of “thinking circles” to discuss anarchist ideas and worked on making anarchists texts available in Arabic. They put their modest membership dues to use printing anarchist pamphlets and organizing university events.
While the Sudanese social movements succeeded in overthrowing al-Bashir by April, the military took control of the government and the struggle deepened. On June 3rd, 2019, government forces conducted a massacre of a sit-in protest in Khartoum, martyring more than 100 and raping more than 70. This was just the largest of many massacres during this time, when many protesters and comrades were murdered by state forces. Workers responded to the June 3rd Khartoum massacre with a general strike that shut down the country, and brought the military leadership to the negotiating table. It was in this context, of a country on the brink, with the resistance committees taking control of territory, that the AGS first announced themselves to the public during a massive march in Khartoum on June 30th.
Predictably, they faced a large backlash after publicly declaring themselves as an anarchist organization. But because they had embedded themselves within the student unions and the resistance committees, and made themselves known to their fellow students and neighbors as committed comrades with sensible ideas, they were able to gain many new members. Many youth who were disillusioned in the false choices presented by the so-called leaders — including the “national liberation” state communists who had propped up the dictatorship — were drawn to the principled stand for freedom of the anarchists.
However, anarchism in Sudan was not able to grow freely for long. The mass uprising achieved a historic victory in forcing out the military dictatorship in July 2019, with a compromise civilian-military transitional government put in place. But this was an inherently unstable solution, and the military and ‘Rapid Support Forces’ (RSF) together led a counter-revolution in October 2021 that brought a renewal of harsh dictatorship.1 This too was an unstable solution, and the RSF and Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) fell out in a power struggle and initiated a civil war in April 2023. The tragedies that have spread across the country since then are too deep and numerous to detail in this account.
Heavily armed members of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)
The civil war, which has deep roots in both the legacies of British colonialism and in local histories of domination, is also a war for Black survival against attempted genocide. Ruling powers in Sudan, particularly the RSF, are Arab supremacists who seek to dominate and ethnically cleanse dark-skinned Sudanese ethnic groups from their lands. Our comrades report that slavery is being perpetrated against Black people in Sudan, and so they see the current struggle as one for liberation from racial authoritarianism.
As the revolutionary movement continued a bitter struggle against the return of military power, this period has seen many martyrs, including anarchist comrades such as Omar Habbash, a doctor in Al Fashir, Sara, a leading activist in Khartoum, and others. Comrades, wherever they are, are constantly under threat of prison – which generally means death within a month. Faced with these losses, the AGS is committed to continuing their struggle with selflessness and determination. As armed conflict spread, anarchist comrades had two general approaches – to fight with independent resistance militias that attempt to defend the people from the ravages of the RSF and Sudanese Armed Forces, or to focus on avoiding armed confrontation through planting ideas and organizing at the grassroots to grow the movement. The AGS supports both strategic approaches currently.
With the country being ripped apart in a proxy war by external powers like the United Arab Emirates and Egypt intent on exploiting its natural resources, as some seven different military factions unleash terror on the Sudanese people, the AGS has nonetheless survived. Members have been scattered as internal and sometimes external refugees, but have managed to stay in contact and coordinate. When possible, they help run communal kitchens, they help refugees reach safety, they provide medical care, they support resistance militias, and they continue anarchist propaganda whenever possible.
Black Rose / Rosa Negra has been coordinating solidarity for the AGS together with our comrade organizations in the International Coordination for Organized Anarchism (ICOA), in particular Die Plattform in Germany and Union Communiste Libertaire in France. Along with smaller initiatives, a public fundraising campaign riased more than $20,000 USD to support AGS in their purchasing an industrial printing press to use for both spreading anarchist propaganda and for providing a means of economic self-support. While the printing press has not yet been put into full operation due to the always-shifting front lines and waves of repression behind the lines, it is a symbol of the AGS’ determination that continuing revolutionary anarchist struggle is a practical necessity, even in the midst of one of the planet’s worst humanitarian catastrophes.
Image of printing press purchased by AGS using funds raised by Black Rose/Rosa Negra’s solidarity campaign.
Anarchists in Sudan believe that international solidarity will be critical in ending the conflict, particularly focusing on those powers that are fueling the civil war:
Combating foreign [state] intervention in Sudan’s war requires a global uprising of struggling networks to expose the entities profiting from the blood of the people—not only in Sudan but across the region. Ideally, their own populations should stand against them to stop the bloodshed in exchange for wealth accumulation. Everyone can contribute to exposing this crime of war sponsorship in their own locations and raise awareness among people that the war in Sudan can stop if the external support for it ends—then peace will follow.
— Member of AGS during dialogue with members of BRRN, September 2025
The political goal of the AGS now is, in the most immediate term, the end of the war and of the massacres committed by both the RSF and army. In the longer term, they continue struggling to overcome the tribal and ethnic divisions that have been exacerbated by racist colonialism to win the social revolution and create a self-managed socialist and feminist society in Sudan and throughout Africa.
As revolutionaries in the imperialist core, our lives are far removed from that of our comrades in Sudan. Nonetheless, we have much to learn from their experiences inserting themselves into the base a mass movement, transforming anarchism into a lived practice that is meaningful for the lives of working class people, acting collectively as a political force to influence the direction of movement struggle, and their determination to continue anarchist struggle even in the most challenging conditions. Support for our comrades in Sudan is important for all of us who want to see anarchism reborn as a true force for global liberation.
Notes
The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) was initiated as a paramilitary group primarily composed of Janjaweed tribesmen. Previously it acted as an auxiliary force of the Sudanese state and was used by the military Junta which took power in 2019 to violently suppress popular protests. Since 2023 it has been in armed conflict with the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). ↩︎
Anarkistan ئەنارشیستان 
پێویستە لە ژوورەوە بیت تا سەرنج بنێریت.