ئەرشیفەکانى هاوپۆل: گشتی

Afrin and the Policies of the Democratic Union Party

By: Zaher Baher

March 2018

Afrin is one of the districts in northern Syria forming the region commonly known as Rojava.  Until 17/03/2018, Afrin was one of Rojava’s cantons that the seven year Syrian civil war did not reach. It was the safest place in the whole of Syria until January 20th when the Turkish State invaded. Around 200,000 people from different places in Syria, especially from Aleppo, moved there where they found peace, safety, equality, dignity and humanity.

There were many reasons for the invasion of Afrin by the Turkish State. The most important are the near-complete military defeat of Isis who fought against Syrian troops and Kurdish forces on behalf of the Turkish state, the proximity of Afrin and ethnic mix of its citizens which Erdogan wants to change by settling Arab refugees who are currently in Turkey and also its proximity to Idlib and Aleppo allowing control over the roads and supply of weapons and other support from Turkey to terrorist groups. In addition, there are unconfirmed reports that there was a deal between Erdogan and Assad whereby Erdogan would not support the rebels in East Ghouta whilst having a free hand to attack the Kurds in Afrin.

However, whatever the reasons were for Erdogan to invade Afrin, I believe the Turkish State cannot stay there for very long as there will be bargaining between Assad and Erdogan.

At dawn on 19th of March, Turkish troops, with the mercenaries of the Syrian Free Army (SFA), managed to enter Afrin after paying a heavy price.  During the course of the invasion 1500 fighters of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) were killed and many injured as well.  Around 400 civilians were killed, over 2000 people were injured and also over 150,000 people left and headed toward Aleppo.

For the last 3 years the Turkish President, Rajab Erdogan, managed to play a very successful game, using almost everyone involved in the war. This included Isis, whilst keeping good diplomatic relationships with many regional governments including Iraq and Iran.  He kept a successful balance between Russia and the United States and also satisfied Europe by blocking the entry of refugees through Turkey. One of his cleverest policies was imposing conflict on the PKK, forcing them to enter this war. Erdogan knows very well that any peace process helps the PKK and the Kurdish more than helping his political party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and his government.  Throughout this war, Erdogan weakened the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) and destroyed many cities, towns and villages in the Turkish Kurdistan region of Bakur.

There is no doubt that the US does not like some of Erdogan’s policies. It does not want a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to ally itself with Russia, enjoy a very good relationship with Iran and threaten Iraq whose Shia government is a US ally in fighting Isis.  None of these are acceptable, but there is little the US can do about it. There is no alternative to the AKP in Turkey at all, and there has been no alternative political movement for the US to support and promote in order to replace the AKP. In this case the only other option is a military coup d’état.  However, this option is also unavailable, at least in the present situation.

The vast majority of people, from writers, academics, and politicians to even ordinary supporters of the Kurdish people, are blaming the US, UN, UK and other European countries for being silent in the face of the brutal attack on Afrin and its citizens by the Turkish State.  They believe that the above have betrayed the Kurdish in Rojava who defeated Isis, reducing the threat of terrorist attacks on the streets and public places. They think that, instead of being silent, these powerful states should have rewarded the Kurdish people by stopping Turkish troops slaughtering civilians, destroying their homes and land and displacing them.

I was neither shocked nor surprised about the position of the above states. We should all know better especially for those of us who know too well the history of the UK and US.  They have no history of protecting human rights or of liberating nations from their allies. They have never supported any leftist, communist or socialist movements, let alone an anarchist one. Their history shows they have only been concerned with their own interests.  They have always lined up with the most brutal dictators and states in the world. It is they who are planning war in advance and causing terrible, miserable lives for the majority of people in many, many countries.

We should also know there has been a major power struggle in the Middle East and the entry of the US into the war in support of the Kurdish in Kobane was the last effort and hope for the US to save its skin in the region rather than being kicked out of the region completely.

Personally, I always believed it was not that Rojava wanted the support of the US and Russia but, in that circumstance it was they who actually wanted Kurdish support especially when the Kurdish proved themselves in battle.  When the US entered the war in Kobane it was mainly symbolic, morally boosting the spirit of the People’s Protection Units (YPG) and Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) at the time.  US forces never seriously fought Isis in Kobane and never truly threatened them because it never wanted to destroy them. By entering the war, the US destroyed whatever was left intact in Kobane after the attack by Isis. Before US involvement, only 30% of Kobane was destroyed but by the end of                                                                   the war this increased to 70%.  I never had a doubt that this was a deliberate effort to weaken Kobane and Rojava politically and economically so that the Kurds would ask big US and European corporations to help in the rebuilding.

A few months after defeating Isis in Kobane, it became obvious that Syria and Rojava became the battlefields or war zone for Russia and the US as they played out a political, economic and strategical power struggle.  At this stage, both were looking for a proxy war and trying to find groups to fight on their behalf.  The Democratic Union Party (PYD) was among them but it tried to keep a balance between.  Alas, in the end the PYD could not maintain this balance and had to align itself with the US, putting the future of Rojava in its hands.

This has disturbed Russia, Syria, Iran, Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shia group, and also Turkey as a member of NATO.

In such circumstances, the only winner was Erdogan who, up to the present time has played this game very well with the loser clearly being the Kurdish people of Rojava.

Has the PYD committed to the right policies to protect what has been achieved in Rojava?

Before coming to this point I would like to say I have written quite a lot about Rojava and Bakur in which I criticised the policies of the PKK and PYD.  If anybody is interested in reading them, please see the links at the end of this article.

In my opinion PYD had three options to choose from, whilst each of the US and Russia had only one. The PYD could ally itself with Russia or US or simply stay out of the war and be neutral. In adopting the third option, it could work with the Movement for a Democratic Society (Tev-Dem) and the Democratic Self-administration (DSA) in bringing more international support and solidarity in rebuilding Rojava. At the same time, it could develop the YPG and YPJ to make them more powerful defence forces and stay independent of the PYD itself. In other words, it should serve the interests of the whole of Rojava and not just its own.  The PYD should have stuck with Ocalan’s principle, “if we have the world’s forces, we will not attack anywhere.  If all the world attacks us we will defend ourselves and not surrender “.

In my opinion, there were no excuses or justifications for the PYD to try to expand its territory and fight Isis in non-Kurdish lands.  The more land they liberated from Isis, the more fighters were killed, whilst bringing more threats and insecurity from Turkey, Iran and Russia to Rojava, more relying on US financially and militarily in other words less independent and also less focused on rebuilding Rojava economically and socially.

So what was going wrong with the PYD?

Unfortunately, the PYD was the main architect in designing policies and making plans for Rojava without consulting the people in Rojava.  In fact, all the decisions, as with any other political party, have been made by a small circle of people, its leaders, in a dark room. Since Kobane’s battle, the PYD made and committed to so many wrong policies.  In my opinion, these have damaged the mass movement in Rojava instead of taking it forward.  Here are some of them:

Aligning with the US: I already mentioned above the reasons for the US entering the war in Rojava and also mentioned that the PYD had three cards in its hand.  The PYD did not need to deeply analyse or do much research in order to understand the position of the US in supporting any movement or government in the world.  It has been clear for at least a century that many of us have known the US as a dark force.  In fact any movement attracted to the US usually becomes very unpopular and suspect and has no future outside the US or to its big corporate interests.  This should have been very clear and considered by the very progressive and unique movement in Rojava.

The Kurdistan Regional Government, KRG, following attack by the Iraqi Government on 16/10/2017 with a green light from the US, proved wrong to rely on or ally with the US.  Surely, the US never drops Turkey, Iraq, Iran or the future Syrian government for Kurdish interests. These two examples proved again that those who thought the PYD had no choice but to ally itself with the US were wrong.

YPG and YPJ: These two forces initially were small volunteer forces but were very effective in defending Rojava. The PYD gradually made them much larger.  Their strategy changed from defence to attack forces and have absolute loyalty to the PYD rather than to the people from whom they emerged. The YPG and YPJ were jointly commanded by the PYD and US attacking Isis who coordinated and cooperated in the air and ground fighting against Isis.

Constant war with Isis:  The PYD insisted on defeating Isis in cooperation with US forces when, after Kobane, Isis was not a direct threat to Rojava at least while they were engaged in fighting with other forces.  Continuation of the war with Isis meant digging graves for themselves. Consequently, the YPG and YPJ were weakened losing so many fighters, needed more help in every way from the US and deepened enmity with Erdogan. Putting fighting with Isis as the main strategy before rebuilding Rojava, resulted in less impetus to form more cooperatives to improve the life of people in Rojava economically and not focussing on the continuation of the revolution in culture and education. These, along with many more, were the consequence of continuing the war with Isis.

Syrian Kurdish National Council for Kurdish Opposition Parties (ENKS): The Syrian opposition political parties in Rojava have never had deep roots among people in Rojava.  They have never been popular having no clean and clear records or background.  That said, that does not mean they cannot have an influence over people or that they cannot stand against Rojava’s people and their movement. ENKS could not launch a movement let alone make a revolution, but certainly they could and can damage and hurt the movement, especially when they have been supported in every way by the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), Barzani’s Party.  They also have a strong connection with Turkey and probably other regional governments.

In my opinion there was always room for the PYD to compromise with ENKS.  They could accept some of their political conditions apart from letting them have their own independent military force out of control of the SDF. If the PYD had a good relation with them then it could affect the attitude of the KDP towards the PYD as well and probably ENKS could have an influences on Turkey too or, at least, could stay neutral.

Final US plan and project: When the US recently recommended that the PYD should form a 30,000 strong force among the SDF to protect the borders, the PYD should have turned this request down.  They should have known better. The US never wanted the SDF to be too big, although any forces made larger by an outsider can easily vanish or, at least, be smaller.  The PYD should have known that this plan would annoy and irritate the State of Turkey and bring forward its plan to invade Afrin.

When the invasion started on 20/01/18, the PYD instead of begging for help from the US, UK, the rest of Europe and the UN should have given an immediate warning to the US; either stop their ally, Turkey, from attacking Afrin, or they would withdraw from fighting Isis and join the SDF in fighting Turkey in Afrin.  However, this was not done until almost the last weeks of the operation and that was far too late.

The question is why the PYD made mistake after mistake or rather all the time made wrong decisions?

The answer is very simple as they never consulted the people in Rojava.  They ignored Ocalan’s principle about the people making all the decisions.  The PYD has a history of doing this. In 2015 when they negotiated with ENKS, they reached an agreement to offer 40 seats on the Democratic Self Administration, DSA, without consulting the people in Rojava.  However, later ENKS pulled out of the agreement so they did not share power in Rojava.

I am sure that if the PYD had consulted with people when making these decisions, then many lives could have been saved as well as saving Rojava from any invasion or, at least, they would not be as responsible for what happened in Afrin or what may happen in future.

What can we learn from all this? 

Well, the only lesson we can learn is that we should not trust any political parties and their leaders as they usually represent a tiny minority in society. They make decisions among a very small circle in a dark room. The strength of political parties is always at the expense of the mass movement, and eventually the mass movement is getting weaker and weaker.

 We also should know that building Confederalism or Democratic Confederalism is the work of millions of people in all sections of society rather than the job of political parties. The last lesson we should learn is that we should recognise the use of weapons as a conditional and solid duty in defending ourselves but not attacking others.

Zaherbaher.com

http://zaherbaher.com/2016/02/04/our-attitude-towards-rojava-must-be-critical-solidarity/

http://zaherbaher.com/2017/05/23/we-supporters-of-rojava-should-be-worried-about-its-partnership-with-the-united-states/

http://zaherbaher.com/2017/12/30/where-is-the-kurdistan-workers-party-pkk-heading/

پرسیار و وەڵام لەبارەی سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان) چییە و كێی لە پشتە؟

پرسیار: (سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان) چییە و كێی لە پشتە؟
وەڵام : (سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان) پێگەیەكی ئینتەرنێتییە بۆ گفتوگۆی سۆشیالیستە ئازادیخوازەكان و مشتومڕكردن لەسەر پرسە ھەنووكەییەكانی بزاڤی دژەسەرمایەداری و ڕەخنەگرتن لە ئەزموونەكانی بزاڤی سۆشیالیستی و ئەزموونگیری لە ھەوڵەكانی پێشووتر و خستنەڕووی ئەڵتەرناتیڤ لە بەرامبەر ھەوڵە شكستخواردووەكان و دەرگە ئاوەڵاكردن بەڕووی ھەر دەنگێكی ئازادیخواز و یەكسانیخواز و دادپەروەریخوازدا، بەكورتی ”سەكۆ پردێكە بۆ بەیەكگەیشتن و لەیەكنزیكبوونەوەی تاك و گروپە سۆشیالیستە ئازادیخوازەكان“.
پرسیار : بۆچی ”سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان” ، ئایا ئەمە جۆرێك لە پابەندی بە نەتەوە و نیشتمان نییە؟
وەڵام : نەخێر، ئەناركیستەكان سەرەڕای ئەوەی كە لە سەراپای مێژوودا جەنگاوەری یەكەم بوون دژی داگیركەر و خەباتكاری ڕاستەقینە بوون بۆ ئازادی و یەكسانی ئێتنییەكانی دونیا، بەڵام ھاوكات دوژمنی سەرسەختی ناسیونالیزم وەك ئایدیۆلۆجی دەوڵەتگەرایی و سەروەریخوازیی بوون، كە بۆرجوازی ھەر ئێتنییەك بۆ خۆشباوەڕكردنی چینە چەوساوەكانی ئەو ئێتنییە، بەوەی كە ھەموو ئەندامان و چین و توێژەكانی یەك ئێتنی، یەك بەرژەوەندەی ھاوبەش و تەبایان ھەیە، بەكار دەبات.
بۆ ئێمە وەك نوسەرانی (سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان)، كوردستان وەك پانتاییەكی جوگرافی كۆمەڵێك ئێتنی و كولتوور و ئایینی جیاواز، كە خاوەنی كۆمەڵێك زمانی جیاوازن لەسەر دەژین، بەم پێیە، (سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان)، سەكۆی ھەموو ئەوانەیە، بەبێ جیاوازی. بەبۆچوونی ئێمە نابێت پاشكۆی جوگرافیی “كوردستان” لەتەك “نەتەوەیی”بوون یەكی بگیردرێت. تەنیا ھاندەرێك بۆ ھەڵگرتنی ئەو پاشگرە (کوردی-زمان)، دروستكردنی بەستەرە لەنێوان بزووتنەوە كۆمەڵایەتییە ئازادیخوازەكان لەنێو ئەو وڵاتاندەدا كە بە زمانی كوردی ئاخاوتنیان تێدا دەكرێت و ھاوكات كوردزمانەكان لەبەر توانای ئاخاوتنیان بە زمانەكانی دیكەی ئەو وڵاتانە (عەرەبی، فارسی، ڕوسی، توركی)، دیسانەوە دەتوانن بەستەری نێوان بزاڤە كۆمەڵایەتییە ئازادیخوازەكان بن لەو وڵاتانە.
سەرەڕای ئەوانەی سەرەوە، ئێمە ھەروا باوەڕمان بە ئازادی و ڕزگاری و سەربەخۆیی كوردان ھەیە، ھەرواش باوەڕمان بە ئازادی و ڕزگاری و سەربەخۆیی توركمان و كلدان و ئاشوور و عەرەبەكان لە چوارچێوەی كوردستان و ھەرێمی كوردستان ھەیە، ئەوەش لەسەر بنەمای بڕوابوونمان بە بنەما فیدرالییە ئەناركییەكان و خۆبەڕێوەبەرایەتی كارخانە و سەربەخۆیی (ئۆتۆنۆمی) ناوچە و ھەرێمەكان و مافی چارەی خۆنووسیی ھاوتا بۆ گشت گەلان [ لێرەدا مەبەست لە مافی چارەی خۆنووس، ھەوڵ و پاگەندەی باندە ناسیونالیستەكان و پارتە بۆرجوازییەكان نییە بۆ بەدەستھێنانی سەروەری خۆیان و دەوڵەت لەژێر ناوی “نەتەوە”، بەڵكو تەواو پێچەوانەوە مەبەست ڕزگاركردنی كۆمەڵگە و ئێتنییەكانە لە سەروەری بۆرجواكان و ملھوڕی دەوڵەت ].
ھەروەھا، بەو تینەی كە ئێمە پشتیوانی لە ڕزگاری ئێتنییەكان دەكەین، بەو ڕادەیەش دژایەتی ھەوڵەكانی بۆرجوازی بەناو دەوڵەتی نەتەوەییی دەكەین، لەبەرئەوەی دەوڵەتی نەتەوەیی بە ھەمان ڕادە و ئامانجی دەوڵەتی داگیركەر، سەركوتی ئازادی تاكەكانی كۆمەڵگە دەكات و بەمەبەستی دابیكردنی مشەخۆری بۆ سەرمایەداران و دەسەلاتداران و دەستەبژێرەكان، چین و توێژە بەرھەمھێن و زەحمەتكێشەكانی كۆمەڵگە لە كۆیلەتیدا ڕادەگرێت.
پرسیار: ئایا نووسەرانی (سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان) سەربە گروپێكی ڕامیاریی دیاریكراون؟
وەڵام: نەخێر، كەسانی سەربەخۆن و سەر بەھیچ گروپێك نین و بەخۆشیان گروپێك نین، بەڵكو تەنیا ئامانج و ئازادیخوازیی و شێوازی بیركردنەوە لەتەك یەكدیدا كۆیان دەكاتەوە. بەڵام ھاوكات ھەر یەكە لە ئێمە لە شوێنی كار و ژیانی خۆیدا چ لە كوردستان و چ لە وڵاتانێك كە تیایاندا دەژین، لە گروپە خۆجییەكاندا چ گروپی خۆجێیی كاریی (گروپ و ڕێكخراوە جەماوەرییەكان) ، گروپە پاگەندەییە ئەناركییەكان و فۆرومە خۆجێییەكاندا، چالاكی دەكەین و بەشداریی ڕاستەوخۆمان ھەیە، ھەروا كە لە كوردستان بین لەسەر بنەمای “خۆجێی خەبات بكە و جیھانی بیر بكەرەوە”، وەك ئەركی دژە-نەتەوەیی خۆمان ھاوپشتی و ھاریكاری ھاوچین و ھاوڕێیانمان لە وڵاتانی دیكە دەكەین، ھەرواش كە لە وڵاتانی دیكەدا بژین لەسەر ھەمان بنەما “خۆجێی خەبات بكە و جیھانی بیر بكەرەوە”، ھاوپشتی و ھاریكاری گروپە خۆجێیەكان و ڕێكخراوە جەماوەرییەكانی كوردستان، بە ئەركی دژە-نەتەوەیی خۆمان دەزانین، بەڵام تەنیا شتێك كە ھاوڕێیانمان لە دەرەوەی كوردستان زیاتر بە بزووتنەوەكە لە كوردستان پەیوەستدەكات، توانای بیركردنەوە و نووسینیانە بە كوردی، كە لەچاو ھاوڕێیانی دیكەی كوردینەزاندا، ئەركی زیاتر و ڕاستەوخۆیان بەرامبەر بزووتنەوە لە كوردستان دەكەوێتە ئەستۆ.
بێجگە لەوە، (سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان) تەنیا و تەنیا بڵنگۆیەكی سەربەخۆیە بۆ ناساندنی ھزر و بۆچوونە ئەناركییەكان، ڕەواندنەوە و ڕاستكردنەوەی تۆمەتگەلێك كە بەدرێژایی مێژووی بزاڤی سۆشیالیستی دراونەتە پاڵ ھزری ئەناركیستی و ئاشناكردنی چالاكانی نێو بزاڤە كۆمەڵایەتییەكان بە لكە ئەناركیستییەكان، لەوانە ئەناركیزمی سۆشیالگەرا، ئەناركیزمی تاكگەرا، ئەناركیزمی فێمینیست (ئەناركۆ-فێمینیست)، ئەناركیزمی كۆمونیست، ئەناركیزمی ژینگەپارێز، ئەناركیزمی ئاژەڵپارێز، ئەناركیزمی مۆڕالیست ، ئەناركیزمی ئایینی، ئەناركیزمی ھاوسێكسگەراو…تد.
پرسیار: ئەگەر گروپێك نین، ئەدی چۆن یەكتان گرتووە، چۆن و بۆچی خۆتان بەگروپێك ناناسێنن؟
وەڵام: وەك لە سەرەتادا وتمان (سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان) پێگەیەكی جوگرافیایی و بوون و یەكەیەكی فیزیكی نییە، تەنیا سەكۆیەكی ئینتەرنێتی سەربەخۆییە بۆ ناساندن و ئاشناكردنی خوێنەر بە ئەناركیزم (سۆشیالیزمی ئازادیخواز) وەك ھزر نەك ئادیۆلۆجیا. پاشان گروپی ئەناركیستی لەسەر بنەمای كار و چالاكی ڕۆژانە لە خەباتی ڕۆژانەی خۆجێی و ڕێكخراوەی جەماوەرییدا پێكدێت، واتە لە شێوەی گروپی خۆجێی (Local group)دەردەكەوێت، لەوانە گروپە خۆجێیەكانی ڕێكخراوە جەماوەرییە سەرتاسەرییەكانی وەك [ بێكاران، كرێكاران، خوێندكاران، مناڵان، ژنان، پەككەوتان، فەرمانبەران، مامۆستایان، خانەنشینان .. تد] ، گروپی ھاریكاری ھاوسێان، گروپی سەرپەرشتی مناڵان، گروپەكانی داخوازیی دابینكردن و چاكردنی: [ لولەكەشی ئاو، ھێڵی كارەبا و تەلەفۆن و ئینتەرنێت، خزمەتگوزاری ئاوەڕۆ، خزمەتگوزاری كۆكردنەوەی زبڵ و دوورخستنەوەی، سەرپەنا و نۆژەنكردنەوەی خانووەكان، باخچەی منالان و فێرگە و زانكۆكان، نەخۆشخانە و بیمەی دەرمانی و دەرمانخانە، باخ و باخچەكان، سەنگچن و چەوڕێژ و قیرتاوكردنی كۆڵان و شەقام و شۆستەكان و شاڕێكان]، گروپی پاراستنی ژینگە، گروپی پاراستنی مافی ئاژەڵ، گروپی ئاوەدانكردنەوە و بۆژاندنەوەی دەوروبەر، گروپی خۆفێركاریی ئاڵووێری بەرامبەرانەی [شارەزایی كۆمپیوتەر و ئینتەرنێت، فێربوونی پیشەی دەستی و كاری ھونەری و ڕاھێنانی وەرزشیی و زانیاریی تەندروستیی و فریاگوزاری] ، گروپی خۆپارێزیی لەبەرامبەر ھێڕشی دەزگە سەركەوتگەرەكان و باندە مافییانەكان، گروپی پێكھێانی پەرتووكخانەی خۆجێی و گەڕۆك.. تد.
ھەڵبەتە ئەوەمان لەبیر نەچێت، كە ناو و ناونانی ئەو گروپانە بە ئەنجومەن، ڕێكخراو، شورا، كۆمون، ھەرەوەزی، نابێتە گرفت و مەرج نییە و پێویستیش نییە (پاشكۆی ئەناركیستی یا پێشگری ئەناكۆ-)یان ھەبێت، ئەوەی گرنگە شێوازی خەبات و جۆری ڕێكخستن و شێوەی بڕیاردانە و ھەر لێرەشەوە جیاوازی نێوان گروپە لۆكاڵییە خۆجێیی و ڕێكخراوە جەماوەرییەكانی پابەند بە شێوازی ڕێكخستن و كاردكردنی ئازادیخوازانە لەتەك گروپە خۆجێیی و ڕێكخراوە بەناو جەماوەرییەكانی دیكەی سەربە دەسەڵات و پارتە ڕامیارییەكان و نامیراتییەكانی (NGO)  سەرھەڵدەدات و جیاوازییەكە تەنیا لە ناو و ھەبوونی پاشگری سەربەخۆبووندا نییە، بەڵكو لەوەدایە، كە لە شێوە ڕێكخستن و شیوازی خەباتی ئەناركیدا ھاوكات گروپە خۆجێییەكان و ڕێكخراوە جەماوەرییەكان ھەم سەنگەرێكن بۆ خەباتن، ھەم فێرگەیەك بۆ ژیانەوەی گیانی خۆبیركردنەوە و خۆھۆشیاریی و خۆبڕیاردان و خۆڕابەریی و خۆپێشڕەویی لە خەباتی ڕۆژانە و ئەندامەتی لە ڕێكخراوە جەماوەرییەكان و لە ژیانی ڕۆژانەی تاكەكەسیی و جڤاكی لە ڕەوتی شۆڕشێكی كۆمەڵایەتیدا بە ئاراستەی بەرەبەرە (ھەنگاو بەھەنگاو) سەندنەوەی ناوەندەكانی بەرھەمھێنان و خزمەتگوزاری و دەركێشانی بەرێوەبردن لە چنگی ڕامیاران و بەڕێوەبەران و لێسەندنەوەی مافی بڕیاردان لەسەر پرسە كۆمەڵایەتیی و ئابووریی و ڕامیارییەكان لە دەوڵەت و پارتە ڕامیارییەكان و نوێنەرە پارلەمانییەكان، بە واتایەكی دیكە خشت بە خشت داڕشتنی بناخە و ھەڵچنینی سەرخانی كۆمەڵكەی ھەرەوەزیی و ئازاد ھەر ئەمڕۆ و لە بەرامبەر سیسەمی ھیرارشیانەی (دێمۆكراسی پارلەمانی) سەرمایەداریدا، كۆمەڵگەیەك لەسەر بنەمای خۆبەڕێوەبەرایەتی و بەشداریی ڕاستەوخۆی گشت تاكەكان لە بەرھەمھێانن و دابەشكردن و ڕێكخستنی كۆمەڵگەدا [دێمۆكراسی ڕاستەخۆ] و ھەر بەو پێیە تا دەگاتە كۆتاییھێنان بە سەروەری چینایەتی.
بۆ ئەوەی لە گروپە كارییە خۆجێییەكان و ڕێكخراوە جەماوەرییەكاندا بەر بە بیرۆكراسی و ئوتوریتەگەری و سازش و لادان و بادان بگرین، ئەزموونەكانی خەباتی چینایەتی ئەوە دەسەلمێنن، كە پێویستە دژایەتی سەرسەختی [ناوەندگەرایی ڕێكخستن، ڕێكخستنی قوچكەیی (ھەرەمی)، ڕابەریی و لەقالبدانی ئایدیلۆجیی، بكەین و لە بەرامبەردا پاگەندە و تێكۆشان بۆ بەرپاكردن و پەرەدان بە گروپ و ڕێكخراوەی سەربەخۆی جەماوەریی و پاگەندەیی لەسەر بنەمای ڕێكخستن و بڕیاردان و ئەنجامدان لە خوارەوەڕا بۆ سەرەوە، واتە بە پێچەوانەی گروپ و ڕێكخراوە بەناو خۆجێی و جەماوەرییە پاشكۆكانی چەپ و دەسەڵات، كە ناوەندگەرا، ئۆتۆریتەگەر و فەرماندەر و ناوبژیگەرن و لەژێر ناوی ڕێكخراوەی جەماوەریدا، چەوساوان لەسەر ھەمان بنەما و ئایدیای پێكھاتەی سەروەریی چینایەتی (ڕێكخستنی بۆرجوازییانە)، ڕێك دەخەنەوە و بەر بە دەستبەكاربوونیان بۆ خۆبیركردنەوە، خۆھوشیاریی، خۆبڕیاردان و چالاكی راستەوخۆ و خۆئازادكردن، دەگرن و لە كەلێنی جاڵجاڵۆكەی سەروەری چینایەتیدا خۆشباوەڕ بە فریادڕەسی ڕامیاران، ڕایاندەگرن،
ھەروەھا چالاكانی ئەناركیست، ھیچ كات پەنا نانەبە ناونانی ڕێكخراو و  گروپەكان بەناوی خۆیانەوە و ھەروا پێویست نییە و شیا و لواویش نییە، كە لە كۆڕ و كۆبوونەوەكاندا پێ لەسەر ناوھێنانی خۆیان وەك ئەناركیست داگرن یا پەنابەرنە ھەوڵی سكتاریستی، بەڵكو ئەوەی بۆیان گرنگ دەبێت و پێویستیشە گرنگ بێت، جێكەوتەبوونی شێوازی ڕێكخستن و شێوازی خەبات و شێوازی بەرەوپێشكردنی چالاكییەكان و شێوازی سەرپەرشتی كارەكانە، كە لەسەر بنەمای ھەرەوەزی و ھاریكاری و ئامادەیی و دەستبەكاربوونی خۆبەشخانە و پێكھاتەی ناقوچكەییانە (ناھەرەمی / ناھیرارشی) بێت.
پرسیار: ئایا (سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان) ھەموو بابەتێك بڵاودەكاتەوە، بە واتایەكی دیكە، بابەت لە ڕوانگەی ھزر و ئایدۆلۆجیا كۆمەلایەتی و ڕامیارییەكانی دیكەوە بڵاو دەكاتەوە؟
وەڵام: نەخێر/ بەڵێ.
نەخێر ھەر بابەتێك كە پاگەندە بۆ سەروەری چینایەتی، ئایدیۆلۆجی ناسیونالیزم و ئایین، پێداویستبوونی دەوڵەت، دێمۆكراسی نوێنەرایەتی (پارلەمانی) ، سۆشیالیزمی دەسەلاتگەرایانە ( سوشیال- دێمۆكراسی، ماركسیزم – لێنینیزم – مائوئیزم – چێكوارائیزم و … تد)، ھەڵاواردنی ڕەگەزیی، نەژادیی و ئێتنیی و كولتوریی و ..،ھتد بكات، لە (سەكۆی ئەناركیستانی کوردی-زمان) بواری بڵاكردنەوەی پێنادرێت.
بەڵێ، ھەر بابەتێك كە لەو ڕوانگانەی سەرەوە، ڕەخنە بۆچوونەكانی ئەناركیزم بگرێت و بیەوێت لەتەك ھەڵگرانی ھزری ئەناركی بە بەڵگە و شێوازی مشتومڕی ھاوچەرخ بكەوێتە گفتوگۆ، بواری بڵاوكردنەوەی دەبێت
گۆڕینی ناوی (سەکۆی ئەنارکیستانی کوردستان) بە (سەکۆی ئەنارکیستانی کوردی-زمان) لەبەر چی؟
(کاف) کە ساڵی ٢٠٠٥ تاکو ئێستا بە (سەکۆی ئەنارکیستانی کوردستان) ناسراوە ، هەردەم پاشگری (کوردستان) هەم دروستکەری پرسیار و سەرنجی ئەنارکیستانی شوێنەکانی دیکە و هەم ڕەوتەکانی دیکە بووە و زۆر جار بە ڕۆشنکردنەوەی زۆرتر ناچاربووین و دواجار ناچاربووین لەنێو پرسیار و وەڵامێك* ئەوە ڕۆشنبکەینەوە، کە لەنێوان [سەکۆی ئەنارکیستان] و ئەو پاشگرە [کوردستان] هیچ پەیوەندییەك بە ئاراستەی “نەتەوەگەرایی” و “نیشتمانپەروەری” و …تد نییە، بەڵکو تەنیا بۆ ناساندنی شوێنێكی چالاکی بووە، کە (کاف) ئامانجی بووە لەسەری کاربکات و پاگەندەی ئەنارکیستی ئاراستەبکات.
لەبەرئەوە و بۆ ئەوەی ئەو خراپ-تێگەییشنە نەمێنێت و هەموو جار لایەنگرانی بۆچوونەکانی سەکۆی ئەنارکیستان ناچار بە ڕۆشنکردنەوە و چەندبارەکردنەوە نەبن، ئێمە هاورێیانی سەکۆی ئەنارکیستان ئەوە بە باشتر و دروستتر دەزانین، پاشگری (کوردستان) بگۆڕین بە (کوردی-زمان)، واتە (فۆڕومی ئەنارکیستانی کوردی-زمان) ، بەڵام سیمبۆل و کورتکراوەی ناوەکەی (کاف- KAF) هەر وەك خۆیان دەمێننەوە، واتە Kurdish-speaking Anarchist Forum
لەم ڕۆژ بەدواوە نامە و ڕاگەیاندن و بانگەوازەکان بەناوی (فۆڕومی ئەنارکیستانی کوردی-زمان / کاف) واژۆدەکرێن و بڵاودەبنەوە.
تێکۆشان بۆ هەڵوەشاندنەوەی سەروەریی چینایەتی بە ئامانجی گەییشتن کۆمەڵی ناچینایەتی
فۆڕومی ئەنارکیستانی کوردی-زمان (کاف)
٠١ی سێپتەمبەری ٢٠١٦

 ئامادەکردنی یەکەم، ٣١ی مارچی ٢٠٠٩ بڵاوکراوەتەوە*


What is the Kurdish-speaking Anarchist Forum and who is behind it?

The Kurdish-speaking Anarchist Forum is an internet forum for discussions, debate and analysis among Libertarians & Anarchists on topical subjects, matters and questions against capitalism. It is a place to consider and criticise past experiences & methods of the Socialist movement that have failed, in an attempt to find alternatives.  It is an open door for any libertarian’s voice, it is a voice of those who believe in Freedom, equality and social justice.   In short, the Kurdish-speaking Anarchist Forum (KAF) is a “bridge to reach and to get closer to all libertarian individuals and groups” .

Why the Kurdish-speaking Anarchist Forum?  Does this not mean claiming to belong to one nation and patriotism ?

Not at all, in fact anarchists have been the first fighters when it comes to the history of struggle against occupation and invasion.  They have been the true revolutionaries who have fought for freedom and equality between nations in the world.   At the same time, they are the real enemy of nationalism as a state and authoritarian ideology, while the bourgeoisie of any nation uses and exploits all the classes at the bottom of the society.  The bourgeoisie are claiming that all classes, casts and categories of people within a country have got the same interests, the same rights and they are all equal and free; but this is an obvious lie.

For us as writers in KAF we see Kurdistan as geographical territories where there are a range of different ethnicities, cultures, and religions that speak different languages.  In this aspect KAF is a Forum for all libertarians regardless of the differences mentioned above.  In our view, using the term ‘Kurdistan’, does not relate to nationalistic feeling.  In fact, it is just for persuading people within territories known as Kurdistan, who live with other ethnicities together in Iran, Russia, Turkey, Syria and Iraq, that there are also Kurdish people there who speak their languages.  This can be a connection or link between them and the libertarian groups and their movements.  So we use this word, Kurdistan, as a tool to help encourage these connections.

In addition to what has been said above, we believe in Kurdish freedom, its liberty and independence.  We believe the same things for Turkmenian, Arabs, Kldanian and Ashorieen who live under Kurdish self rule in Iraq.   This belief is based on the ideas seen in anarchist federalism and of self management within factories or any work place.  We believe in independence (Autonomy) of the territories and the right to self determination of all nations. [Here we do not mean the self-determination of the nationalists and their movements and parties.  What they do is to force through their authority and their states under the name of an entire people who live in the nation and the country.  Whereas what they are actually doing is using this authority to control and exploit the working class and people instead of liberating them and ensuring social justice. This is exactly opposite of what they claim to be aiming to do when they are seeking their dominancy.

In the meantime we stress that while we support the liberation of nations, we are against all attempts from the bourgeoisie to establish further nation states.  It is very obvious to us that the nation state invades the freedom of individuals and suppresses any free voice in its attempts to secure the interests of the elite, authority and capitalism in general.  States, whether they are a nation state or invader can achieve all these through dominating and exploiting the working class and the rest of the people who have been placed in the bottom of society, who are unemployed or live on a slave’s wage and keeping them in control.

Do the people writing in KAF belong to any political group?

No. They are independent and do not belong to any political organization.  These people are not even in a group, but they form as a group of people in order to share similar anarchist ideas, interests, tasks and aims.  However, alongside this, each person wherever they live, in their work places or in the communities, whether in Kurdistan or any other country are involved in local groups (Community Groups or any other nonhierarchical organizations).

 We are active in Anarchist & Libertarian groups.  If we are in Kurdistan, we work on the principle of “act locally, think globally” and also as an international duty to help and support the struggles of our classes – for our comrades wherever they are in struggle.  For those of us who live in Europe or other countries, we help and support local groups and independent originations and the mass movements in Kurdistan on the same principle.  While we can think, communicate and write in Kurdish, this makes it easier to create strong links & connect with people in Kurdistan more than those who cannot communicate and write in Kurdish. These tasks obviously put an extra burden on the shoulders of those of us do not live in Kurdistan.

In addition, KAF is the only independent Forum which seeks to introduce and exchange ideas and views on Anarchism. , rejecting and dismay all the accusation that in the long history of the socialist movement labeled and accused  the anarchism idea.  The KAF makes activists in the wide range of  mass movements fa*miliar with  different currents  of  anarchist ideas, for example,  the social Anarchism, individual Anarchism, Anarcha-feminism , Anarcho-Syndicalism, Anarcho-communism, Anarcho-primitivism/green Anarchism, Anarcho-animal liberation front, religious Anarchism and  bisexual Anarchism [The homosexual, bisexual and transgender  anarchists.]

If you are not a group, how are you united and how/why do you not introduce yourselves as a group?

As we said from the beginning KAF is a Website or a Forum operating on the geographical ground or physical space.     In fact it is an independent electronic site to introduce Anarchism (Libertarianism) to readers as an idea not an ideology.  More than that,  anarchist groups will be formed on the ground of daily struggles, demands and activities in the process of the local movement, that means anarchist groups can  appear  in the form of  local groups in different places and different  levels , for instance among  unemployed people, students, children, women, disabled people, teachers, pensioners , workers in their work places, people who work in councils, hospitals, universities  or any other service provider, environmental groups, neighborhood groups, residents group, people who work in parks and any groups that set up around a single issue while the issue remains as a current  matter of concern for members….this list can go on and on.

At the same time we stress that, whatever the name of the groups are is not a problem.  We are not looking for a group to be supported that has labeled themselves or uses the title “Anarchist”.  What is important for us to see is their struggles, how they organize themselves, how they come to make decisions together.  It is important that active local groups as they already exist or emerge in the mass movements are nonhierarchical, non authoritarian organizations which are very different from official parities, authoritarian organizations and NGOs.   No doubt there are differences between each local groups and the way they work. How groups see themselves helps to show their independence e.g. as distinct from and not dependent on political parties, if they don’t believe in elections, parliamentary democracy, official representatives.  We can separate these kinds of groups from the others that do believe in this form of political work and who rely on these power structures to achieve their demands.  In contrast, local groups we support rely on themselves to carry out these roles themselves, to control their lives  through  their activities as  direct action to bring back all the decisions that are made by politicians, local authorities, companies, management  and so-called democratic administration of the government,  into their own hands and into the hands of their communities.  This will happen step by step through mass movement until it reaches its final stage in achieving its goals which is terminating or ending the current system and class society.

In order for local groups and mass movements to avoid bureaucracy, authoritarianism, and doing things that are not in the interests of the groups, we can look to the experiences of class struggles. These have taught us it is important and necessary to fight back from centralization, hierarchism, the role of leaders and ideology.  At the same time we need to publicly defend the independence of community groups to make their own decisions on matters that affect them.  That means we need to work exactly opposite of the groups and organizations that are depending on the lefties and the authority. This kind of organizations are working on the name of the ordinary people and working class in forming different types of organizations  to divert them from the direct action to end the real struggles and force them to move  towards the form of the struggles which they ( the organizations) themselves believe in.  Activists in local groups do not have to name their organizations and groups outright if they prefer, and we are against cultivating seeds of sectarian wars.  Instead, anarchists have once aim and it is to be concerned about their activities in order to help everyone to work collectively, help and support all the groups that come into existence that are against hierarchy and authoritarianism so that we can support one another and strengthen our movement.

Does (KAF) publish all the materials, in other words, any political, social subject, articles or any analyses with different idea, different view and ideology?

Yes and No.

No. When the materials and articles are propaganda or support the ideologies of nationalism, religion, justify existence of the state and its polices, support parliamentary democracy, elections, authoritarian socialism, the idea of Marxism, Leninism, Maoism …promoting the idea of racism, nationality, sexism. All these subjects are not allowed to be publishing on KAF.

Yes, to any of the above subjects. Articles that critically analyse our views or anarchist analysis about anything as long as it rationally deals with his/her view by the use of facts, avoiding humiliation and accusation.  In other words, yes they will be allowed to be published and we will give a response.

why Changing the name of (Kurdistan Anarchist Forum) to (Kurdish-Speaking Anarchist Forum) ?

Kurdistan Anarchist Forum (KAF) formed in 2005, until now it has been recognised by this name. The word ‘Kurdistan’ caused so many questions from different comrades and friends and from many places and organisations. We were asked why ‘Kurdistan’ ? We, therefore, wrote some clarification in the form of ‘FAQ about KAF’ to explain and clarify our position that when we say ‘Kurdistan’ nothing to do with “nationalism” or “Patriotic”. In fact using ‘Kurdistan’ was only to reflect the place of our activates as we explained in our ‘FAQ about KAF’.

In order to avoid any more confusion and for clarity, we as (KAF) comrades thought it is better to changing the name to (Kurdish-Speaking Anarchist Forum) but still remain as (KAF).

Just to let all our comrades and friends know, From now on our letters, announcements and publicities will be under the name of Kurdish-Speaking Anarchist Forum (KAF)

With Solidarity
Kurdish-Speaking Anarchist Forum (KAF)
1st Sep 2016

* Firs Edition and pablication was on 1st March 2009

—————————————————————————————————————-

website:

Website http://www.anarkistan.net

ISSUU :

 www.issuu.com/anarkistan

Twitter:

http://www.twitter.com/anarkistan

Facebook:

www.facebook.com/sekoy.anarkistan

www.facebook.com/groups/Pertuky.Anarky/

Email:

anarkistan@riseup.net

* https://anarkistan.net/about

The fire of Kawa’s will burn, the struggle against Dehaqs will keep on

Do you think the fight of Kawa will last? Do you think the fire that he burned will be put out?

Hundreds of Dehaqs, in thousands of years, tried to put out that fire which is the struggle of freedom and justice.

Do you think that Kawa was just a statue that you can destroy?

No masters, in many geographies, had ability to destroy the ideas and the struggle of Kawa’s, with their invasions or destructions.

Every winter has an end and the winters of the Dehaq’s will be beaten by the fire of the spring and the fire of Kawas’.

Now it is time to make the fire of Kawa bigger, now it is time to make the fire of freedom bigger, now is Newroz time!

Em Hemû Kawane Li Dijî Dehaqan!
Dehaqlara Karşı Hepimiz Kawayız!
Newroz Pîroz Be!

Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet
DAF

 

Wir haben heute die ehemalige iranische Botschaft in Bonn besetzt!

Wir haben heute die ehemalige iranische Botschaft in Bonn besetzt!

Diese Aktion soll ein Zeichen für Solidarität mit den emanzipatorischen
Protesten im Iran setzen und gleichzeitig die Möglichkeit bieten, der
neoliberalen Stadtpolitik in Bonn einen nicht-kommerziellen Raum der
Begegnung und der Selbstverwaltung entgegenzusetzen.

Seit Monaten sind die Menschen im Iran wieder auf der Straße, um ein
weiteres Mal gegen das iranische Regime zu protestieren. Sie tun dies
trotz des Risikos auf Gefängnisstrafen, Folter oder Ermordung. Die
Bandbreite der Gründe umfasst Kämpfe für gerechte Arbeitsverhältnisse,
für die Freiheit von politischen Gefangenen, außerdem die Forderung nach
geringeren Lebensmittelpreisen, Heizkosten und Mieten. Die Forderungen
nach Veränderungen reichen von einer Demokratie nach westlichem Vorbild
bis hin zu einer nicht kapitalistischen Gesellschaft.
Neben den progressiven Kräften beteiligen sich aber auch reaktionäre
Interessensgruppen an den Protesten. So finden sich auch Anhänger*innen
des Schahs darunter, die darauf hoffen, dass die aktuellen Machthaber
durch ein anderes, autoritäres Regime ersetzt werden.

Das iranische Regime geht entschlossen gegen die Protestierenden vor:
Laut der iranischen Regierung wurden seit Beginn der Proteste 3500
Regierungsgegner*innen eingesperrt. 50 mussten ihren Widerstand sogar
mit dem Leben bezahlen. Aktivist*innen gehen von deutlich höheren Zahlen
aus.

Wir haben Ort und Zeit bewusst gewählt, um uns am internationalen
Frauenkampftag mit kämpfenden Frauen weltweit solidarisch zu zeigen.
Eine lebenswerte Welt können wir uns nur im Sinne der radikalen
Gleichberechtigung von allen Geschlechtern vorstellen. Die Besetzung der
iranischen Botschaft soll als solidarischer Gruß an die mutigen Frauen
im Iran gesendet werden, die sich gegen das repressive und patriarchale
Regime auflehnen.Vor allem sie haben unter dem aufgezwungenen
Sittendiktat der iranischen Despoten zu leiden. Ihnen geht es u.a. darum
die sozialen Restriktionen wie den Zwang zum Tragen des Kopftuches im
öffentlichen Raum aufzuheben. Sie fordern die selbstbestimmte
Entscheidung darüber, ob Frauen ein Hijab tragen möchten und dies als
Teil ihrer Identität verstehen oder nicht.

Wir sind darüber hinaus ein Zusammenschluss verschiedener Menschen, die
sich mit dem Thema Recht auf Stadt und Stadtentwicklung von unten
auseinandersetzen. Wir sehen, dass sich in Bonn gerade eine Menge
verändert und dass dies nicht unbedingt zugunsten der Bürger und
Bürgerinnen geschieht. Das lässt sich an den verschiedenen Initiativen
erkennen, die versuchen, ihrem Willen eine Stimme zu verleihen, so wie
„Viva Viktoria“ im Viktoria Viertel, „Kurfürstenbad bleibt“/“Frankenbad
bleibt“ in Bezug auf das geplante Zentralbad und vielen anderen.
Zusätzlich steigen die Mieten stetig und die Leerstände werden immer
mehr.
Mit Sorge sehen wir die Entwicklungen, in denen wir zu erkennen glauben,
dass Bonn im Stile einer neoliberalen Politik zusehends
einkommensschwächere Menschen verdrängt, das Stadtbild mit
Einzelhandelsketten und Großunternehmensbüros vereinheitlicht und
anonymisiert.
Um gegen diesen Prozess zu protestieren und ihm etwas entgegenzusetzen,
haben wir besagtes Gebäude bezogen. Hier werden wir in der nächsten Zeit
ein kulturelles Zentrum eröffnen, in dem Menschen die Möglichkeit
gegeben werden soll, sich selbstständig zu organisieren, zu begegnen und
auszutauschen. Weil es kaum Orte in Bonn gibt, an denen Menschen sich
aufhalten können, ohne Eintritt bezahlen oder etwas kaufen zu müssen,
wollen wir einen Raum eröffnen, an dem dies möglich ist. Weil wir einen
solchen Ort des freien Austauschs für wichtig halten, haben wir diesen
ohnehin leerstehenden Ort bezogen, um ihn mit Leben zu füllen.

In der nächsten Zeit werden wir diesen Raum nutzen, um uns über
emanzipatorische Kämpfe weltweit und vor allem im Iran auszutauschen und
zugleich Impulse für eine gerechtere Stadtentwicklung zu setzen.

Wir haben vor, hier das Institut für Anarchismusforschung zu etablieren.
Als Agentur gegen Arbeit geht es uns darum, eine radikale Kritik an den
bestehenden Verhältnissen zu entwicklen, in denen Menschen nicht nur
unter autokratischen Regimes wie dem Iran, sondern auch unter
kapitalistischen Disziplinierungen, wie dem Leistungszwang und
Konformismus leiden.

Interessierte sind herzlich eingeladen vorbei zu kommen, sich mit uns zu
unterhalten und dabei zu sein wie dem alten Gebäude neues Leben
eingehaucht wird!

Unter folgenden Links sollten innerhalb der nächsten Stunde Fotos der
Aktion heruntergeladen werden:
www.facebook.com/Institut-für-Anarchismusforschung-Agentur-gegen-Arbeit
twitter.com/IFA_AGA

بیانیه اشغال ساختمان سفارت سابق ایران در شهر بن ـ اعلام همبستگی با اعتراضات مردم در ایران

بیانیه اشغال ساختمان سفارت سابق ایران در شهر بن ـ اعلام همبستگی با
اعتراضات مردم در ایران

امروز ما در حمایت با قیام و اعتراضات مردم در ایران، ساختمان سفارت سابق
ایران را در شهر بن اشغال کردیم

چند ماهی است که مردم در ایران دوباره به خیابان ها رفته و برعلیه
رژیـــــم تظاهرات می کنند.برای اعتراضات دلالیل بسیاری وجود دارد.اعتراض
کنندگان علـی رعم خطر دستگیری، شکنجه و حتی مرگ به اعتراضات ادامه می دهند.
خواسته هـــای مردم شامل شرایط کاری بهتر، آزادی زندانیان سیاسی، پایین
آوردن قیمت مــواد غذایی، هزینه های گرمایش و اجاره خانه است و از طرفی خشم
مردمی که اندوخته ـ شان بدلیل ورشکستگی بانک ها به باد فنا رفته است.گروه
های مختلفی درایــــن جنبش شرکت دارند از جمله طرفداران پسرشاه که امید
دارند مقامات فعلی را بـا حکومت اقتدارگر دیگری جایگزین کنند. گروهی که
خواهان دموکراسی به سبک غربی است و همچنین گروهی دیگر که برای یک جامعه ی
کاملا متفاوت یعنی برای پایــان روابط سرمایه داری مبارزه می کنند

ما می خواهیم صرف نظر از انگیزه های که وجود دارد از کسانی حمایت کنیم که
به علت اعتراضات در معرض سرکوب وحشیانه رژیم قرار گرفته اند. یکبار دیگر
زندان ـ ها از افرادی مملوع شده که از خود شجاعت سازماندهی و ایستادگی را
نشان داده اند. طبق گفته ی رژیم از آغاز اعتراضات بیش از ۳۵۰۰ نفر دستگیر و
حتی بیـش از ۵۰ نفر مبارزه شان را به قیمت جان خود پرداخت کرده اند. و
اما فعالین معتقدند که تعداد دستگیری و کشتارها بطور قابل توجهی بالاتر از
این هاست که رژیم اعلام کرده است

برای سرکوب و امحای مخالفین به یک دستگاه نظارت و کنترل پیشرفته نیاز اســت
به همین دلیل رژیم آپارتاید و سرکوب جمهوری اسلامی از شرکتهایی مانند نوکیـا
و زیمنس با سرمایه‌گذاری مشترک آلمانی یا شرکت فنلاندی نوکیا برای دستیابــی
به تکنولوژی مناسب کمک میگیرد دولت آلمان برای حفظ و گسترش سود آوری در
چرخه سرمایه در این زمینه هیچ مشکلی با همکاری شرکتهای آلمانی با “رژیمی
دسپوتیک” همچون جمهوری اسلامی ندارد

ساختمانی که ما تصرف کرده ایم هنوز متعلق به دولت ایران است و ما می خواهیـم
طی روزهای آینده فضایی برای بحث و گفتگو و کمک برای رهایی مردم ایران
ایجـاد کنیم. از شما دعوت می کنیم برای بررسی وقایع در ایران، برنامه ریزی
آکسیون ـ
ها و حمایت بیشتر به خانه اشغالی بیایید

گروهی از آنارشیست ها

08.03.2018

٨ی مارچ، ڕۆژی تێکۆشان دژی توندوتیژی و ھەڵاواردن و ستەم و نایەکسانی کۆمەڵایەتیی و ئابووریی و یاسایی ڕەگەزی

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Emma Goldmann ئێما گۆڵدمان

ژیاننامە و چالاکی و نووسینەکانی ئێما گۆڵدمان

http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/goldman/Goldmanarchive.html

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emma_Goldman

 

Ernestina Cravello ئێڕنێستینا کراڤێلۆ

ژیاننامە و چالاکی و نووسینەکانی ئێرنێستینا کراڤێلۆ

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernestina_Cravello

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Lucía Sánchez Saornil لویسیا سانچێز سائۆنیل

ژیاننامە و چالاکی و نووسینەکانی لویسیا سانچێز سائۆنیل

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luc%C3%ADa_S%C3%A1nchez_Saornil

Luic San Saorn 1933.jpg

 

Maria Lacerda de Moura ماریا لاسێردا دێ مۆورا

ژیاننامە و چالاکی و نووسینەکانی ماریا لاسێردا دێ مۆورا