(en) Latest news about the Situation in Kobane and the involvement of anarchists

(en) Latest news about the Situation in Kobane and the involvement of anarchists

Date Sat, 04 Oct 2014 23:09:43 +0300

Since governance of Urfa has forbidden entrances to SuruÃ, our comrades met with other DAF members using other ways and joined the human shield group. At the same time, Turkish Armed Forces increased their attacks with gas bombs on people of Kobanà who wait at the MÃÅritpÄnar border gate. —- After pushing back ISIS from dominant hills 500 meter distance from the border, YPG fell back some more from the western front in the following days. This strategic fall back is an efficient action against ISISâ heavier weapons. Clashes increase in the night. —- A âstop the cityâ was called in Amed in solidarity with Kobanà resistance while many shops were closed and schools boycotted in Amed and rest of Kurdistan. —- The border watch is gaining importance as ISIS is receiving more supplies through Turkish border in the last days.

Comrades report that people of Kobane are persecuted in the Yumurtalik border gate. Number of ill and wounded is very high. Children are deprived of food and water. Many wounded people wait on the ground for hours without any treatment and transported to Suruc in the back of trucks.

Opportunist people try to sell vital supplies to people from Kobanà with very high prices. Border watchers from human shield group also interfere with these.
ISIS bombing now intensified on the villages 1-2 km east of Kobanà and continues on West of KobanÃ.

Turkish State Prepares for Assault

Harrasing fire by turkish army on October 3rd early morning is rather meaningful considering ground war planned allegedly to protect tomb of king SÃleyman and the military permit. Turkish state that let ISIS militants and supplies through borders for months is pursuing other strategic gains disguised as help.

Turkish military police threatened the human shield commune that our comrades are part of, and is increasing attacks to evacuate the village.

Turkish state that is preparing to interfere to avoid the ISIS danger, is at the same time neglecting the offensive made by ISIS supporters within its borders, showing its politics of hypocrisy.

Anarchist Women in Kobane

As revolutionary anarchists, in these days that we see Kobanà peopleâs struggle for freedom as our own struggle for freedom, we are raising AzadÃ/Freedom principle in every area. We will not allow states, capitalists or murderer gangs to give harm to Kobanà people. Our anarchist women comrades (DAF/Anarchist Women Organisation) are on the road to expand this revolutionary solidarity with saying “For destroying the borders and creating the freedom; to KobanÃ!”.

Long Live the Resistance of KobanÃ!

Long Live the Revolution of Rojava!
A – I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
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A ‘Revolution’ under Attack – the Alternative in midst the War in Syria

A ‘Revolution’ under Attack – the Alternative in midst the War in Syria

category mashriq / arabia / iraq | imperialism / war | opinion / analysis author Saturday October 04, 2014 08:32author by Ulrike Flader – movements@manchester Report this post to the editors

The most recent pictures of thousands of refugees fleeing from heavy attacks of ISIS and making their way from Syria across the border to Turkey, come from the area of Kobani – one of three cantons of the self- proclaimed Autonomy Region Rojava in Northern Syria.


This region – which consists of three geographically disconnected enclaves along the Turkish border – strategically used the deteriorating situation to declare self-rule in July 2012 and has since been celebrated as the “Rojava Revolution” within the Kurdish Movement associated around the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). The population of Rojava, which has long been a stronghold of the PKK, is predominantly made up of Kurds – both Muslim and Yezidi[1] – as well as Arabs, Christian Assyrians, Armenians, Turkmen and Chechens. The desire for some form of self-determination especially among the Kurds was triggered through decades of denial of basic citizenship rights under the Assad-regime.

This quiet revolution is, however, not a question of independence. It is not the founding of yet another nation-state. Deliberately declaring itself an autonomy region instead of a state, derived from the critique of existing nation-states with their homogenising and exclusionary principals of citizenship, centralism of government and non-democratic structures under which the Kurds in Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Syria have suffered on the one hand and the strategies of classic national liberation movements on the other. This critique along with an alternative model of “democratic autonomy” was brought forward by the imprisoned leader of the PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, and replaced the earlier struggle for independence. The concept of democratic autonomy is envisaged along the lines of libertarian thinker Murray Bookchin as a decentralised, radical democracy within or despite the given nation-states which abides by principals of equality between genders, religious- and ethnic affiliations as well as ecology[2]. In this sense, the PKK and its affiliated organisation PYD (Democratic Union Party) in Syria are promoting this model, whose fundamental principal is to achieve a unity of all different faiths and ethnic groups without assimilating them, for the whole of the Middle East.

Within the past one and a half years the outnumbered Syrian military has been expelled from most parts of the region; police, secret service, and the civil service of the old regime have been dismantled, and the legal and education system transformed. Additionally, despite the detrimental security situation, central institutions for the most radical changes have been established in three main areas: the introduction of direct self-government through communes, assurance of equal participation in all areas of decision-making for all faith and ethnic groups and the strengthening of the position of women.

Aiming at decentralizing decision-making and realizing self-rule, village- or street communes consisting of 30-150 households have been organised. These communes decide on questions regarding administration, electricity, provision of nutrition, as well as discussing and solving other social problems. They have commissions for the organisation of defence, justice, infrastructure, ecology, youth, as well as economy. Some have erected communal cooperatives, e.g. bakeries, sewing workshops or agricultural initiatives[3]. They also organise the support of the poorest of the community with basic nutrition and fuel. Delegates of the communes form together a council for 7-10 villages or a city-district, and every city has yet another city council. The city council is made up of representatives of the communes, all political parties, the organisation of the fallen fighters, the women’s organisation, and the youth organisation. All councils as well as the communes have a 40% quota for women. The decisions are to be made on basis of consensus and equal speaking-time is enforced. Besides this, a co-chairperson system has been implemented for all organisations, which means that all councils have both a female and male chairperson. All members are suggested and elected by the population. However, according to the co-president of the PYD, Salih Muslim, this radical change from dictatorship to this form of self-rule is not an easy process: “The people are learning how to govern themselves”[4].

This change in decision-making has also brought about a radical change in the legal system: the establishment of “peace and consensus committees”[5]. These committees, which originally developed as leftist Kurdish underground institutions in the cities of the Kurdish region of Syria in the 1990 and were severely repressed in the 2000s, have resumed their importance with the uprising, and have transformed into the basic structure and fundamental principal of the new legal system. The aim of these committees, which attend to all general legal questions and disputes apart from severe crimes such as murder, is to achieve a consensus between the conflicting parties and in doing so a lasting settlement. In a general assembly of all residents every commune elects the 5-9 members of its local peace and consensus committee (40% of which have to be women) according to their ability to facilitate such a consensus in discussion among between the parties. It is emphasized that these members should not be co-opted by traditional authorities, but democratically elected and in accordance with the gender-equality principal. These peace and consensus committees also exist on the district level, whose members are elected by the popular councils on that level respectively. Parallel women-only committees have been established which specifically attend cases of crimes against women, such as domestic violence, forced-marriages and multiple marriages. Cases which cannot be solved in this consensus-finding way are forwarded on to higher institutions which exist on city, regional and canton level. Courts of appeals have been established in every region and a constitutional court is concerned with the further development of the constitution which has however been framed as a “social contract”[6].

The decision to agree on a social contract instead of a constitution is the manifestation of the centrality of the multi-faith/ethnicity principal behind the concept of the democratic autonomy in Rojava. This contract, which developed out of meetings among representatives of different ethnic and belief groups, has the aim to secure safety and self-rule to all groups. All groups are to be equally present and active in decision-making on political as well as economic and social questions and their right to self-determination is to be ensured not only through self-rule on village-level, but also through the right to organise themselves autonomously on other levels. According to the report of a delegation which visited the region in May this year, the participation of Arabs an Assyrians is steadily increasing in all areas[7]. All groups are also supported in participating in the armed wing YPG or founding their own self-defence groups, as the Assyrians have done most recently.

Similarly, the empowerment of women is not only to be achieved through the presence of women in all parts of decision-making processes through the 40% quota, the co-chairperson system, woman’s legal committees, but also through the establishment of their own military wing YPJ (Women’s Defence Unit)[8]. In an interview, co-president of PYD, Asya Abdullah, argues that the movement in Syria has learned from other revolutions that the women’s question cannot be left until after the revolution. Instead, women in Rojava are playing a leading role in politics, diplomacy, social questions, in the building of a new democratic family structure as well as in self-defence[9]. According to her the self-government structures as well as the self-organisation of women are just as important as the existing independent education institutions and seminars, and the projects to enhance women’s economic independence.

This attempt for a peaceful democratic transformation in co-existence to the state, but on the premises of grassroots self-determination, pluralism and gender-equality is, unfortunately, not welcomed by all in the region. The most recent heavy attacks on the canton of Kobani by ISIS fighters indicate a greater interest in annihilating this autonomy region, which is identified with an increasing strength of the PKK in the region. The Turkish government has reacted sharply to claims made by New York Times and other media that it is, in one way or another, supporting ISIS fighters[10]. Yet the PKK sees these accusations as grounded. Such cooperation raises strong doubts on the sincerity of the government towards the peace talks which it has been holding with Öcalan over the past year. The PKK has warned that it could put an end to the ceasefire it had declared to facilitate a possible peace process[11]. For those who have made their way from all parts of Turkey to the Syrian border to protest and are organising marches and rallies in many cities across Europe, Rojava is not only the test-ground for an alternative democracy in the region, but also a bastion against ISIS.

[1] The majority of Yezidi Kurds live in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. The attack of ISIS on the city of Sinjar and the massacre on its inhabitants triggered strong international attention and the decision for intervention in the US. Since then, many Yezidi Kurds were helped to flee into Rojava by the Syrian wing of PKK-guerrilla fighters (YPG).

[2]Gunes, Cengiz (2012) The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey. From Protest to Resistance. New York: Routledge; also see Biehl, Janet (2012) “Bookchin, Öcalan, and the Dialectics of Democracy”, New Compass, http://new-compass.net/articles/bookchin-%C3%B6calan-an…cracy, accessed 20.02.2012

[3] Knapp, Micheal (2014) „Die Demokratische Autonomie in Rojava. Ziel ist eine demokratische Lösung für den gesamten Mittleren Osten“, Kurdistan Report 174, http://www.kurdistan-report.de/index.php/archiv/2014/17…osten, accessed 25.09.2014

[4] Interview with Co-president of PYD, Salih Muslim, “Die Menschen lernen, sich selbst zu bestimmen“, Kurdistan Report 175, http://www.kurdistan-report.de/index.php/archiv/2014/17…immen, accessed 25.09.2014.

[5] Ayboğa, Ercan (2014) “Das neue Rechtssystem in Rojava. Der Konsens ist Entscheidend“, Kurdistan Report 175, http://www.kurdistan-report.de/index.php/archiv/2014/17…idend, accessed 25.09.2014.

[6] See “Charter of the Social Contract” of Rojava under http://peaceinkurdistancampaign.com/resources/rojava/ch…ract/, accessed 26.09.2014

[7] Knapp 2014.

[8] Interview with Îlham Ehmed, Representative of the Kurdish Women’s Movement in Rojava and Member of the Kurdish Highest Council: Civaka Azad (2014) “Perspektiven der Frauenbewegung in Rojava”, http://civaka-azad.org/perspektiven-der-frauenbewegung-…java/, accessed 25.09.2014

[9] Interview with Asya Abdullah Co-President of PYD: Öğünç, Pınar (2014) “Kadın özgür değilse demokrasi olmaz”, Radikal, 22.08.2013, http://www.radikal.com.tr/yazarlar/pinar_ogunc/kadin_oz…47222, accessed 25.09.2014

[10] Official summary of President Erdoğan’s speech at Assembly of the Confederation of Turkish Crafts- and Tradesmen (TESK): TCCB (2014) “We do not accept and have never accepted the notion of Islamic terrorism”, http://www.tccb.gov.tr/news/397/91043/we-do-not-accept-….html, accessed 25.09.2014; The speech refers to this article published in the New York Times on the 15.09.2014: Yeginsu, Ceylan (2014) “ISIS Draws a Steady Stream of Recruits from Turkey”, New York Times, 15.09.2014, http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/16/world/europe/turkey-i….html, accessed 25.09.2014.

[11] Declaration of Cemil Bayık, Co-President of the Executive Council of the Union of Kurdistan Communities (KCK) see Firatnews (2014) “Bayık: We may end the cease-fire”, firatnews, 27.09.2014, http://en.firatajans.com/news/news/bayik-we-may-end-the…e.htm, accessed 27.09.2014

Related Link: http://www.movements.manchester.ac.uk/the-alternative-i…yria/

گزارش کوتاه و عکس از مقاومت در کوبانی و «عمل مستقیم» آنارشیست ها

گزارش کوتاه و عکس از مقاومت در کوبانی و «عمل مستقیم» آنارشیست ها

کوبانی کوچک ترین بخش از مناطق سه گانه ی کردستان سوریه است. جنگجویان دولت اسلامی (داعش) از روز ١۵ سپتامبر ٢٠١۴ یورش خود را علیه آن آغاز نمودند. علیرغم ائتلافی از چندین کشور به رهبری آمریکا علیه دولت اسلامی، مردم کُرد منطقه به تنهایی و با سلاح های سبک از کوبانی دفاع می کنند. این در حالی ست که نیروهای داعش دارای سلاح های سنگین ساخت آمریکا، روسیه، آلمان و فرانسه هستند. چند عضو واحدهای دفاع از مردم (YPG) در هفته ی پایانی سپتامبر ٢٠١۴ موشک انداز میلان، ساخت مشترک آلمان و فرانسه را از نیروهای داعش به غنیمت گرفتند و به یک نماینده ی پارلمان آلمان به نام یان فان اکن نشان دادند. واحدهای دفاع از مردم وابسته به پ. کا. کا. است و در آن فقط نیروهای کرد حضور ندارند، عرب ها، ترکیه ای ها، مسلمانان، ایزدیان، مسیحیان و خداناباوران نیز در این واحدها عضو هستند.  DAF_in_Kobane-1

کردهای سوریه با یاری نیروهای پ. کا. کا. توانسته اند مقاومتی تحسین برانگیز را علیه دولت اسلامی سازمان دهند. این مقاومت در منطقه ی کوچکی صورت می گیرد که ترکیه یگانه راه ورودی اش است. نباید فراموش کرد که این مقاومت جانانه در کوبانی در حالی برضد وحوش دولت اسلامی صورت می گیرد که آنان موفق شدند در عرض یک هفته در ماه ژوئن ٢٠١۴ منطقه ی بزرگی از عراق و شهر موصل آن را تسخیر نمایند. نقش زنان مسلح کرد در برابر نیروهای داعش چنان است که مقاومت بی آنان دیگر تصورپذیر نیست.


دولت ترکیه که اکنون مدعی مبارزه علیه داعش در چهارچوب ائتلاف بین المللی ست و قصد دارد وارد سوریه بشود، بنابر اظهارات شاهدان و عکس های گرفته شده، به نیروهای داعش حتا تانک هم داده است تا بتوانند کوبانی را بگیرند. شهر کوبانی که در مرز ترکیه قرار دارد در محاصره قرار گرفته است. اما صبری اوک از پ. کا. کا. می گوید که حمله ی استراتژیک جهادیان داعش علیه کوبانی درهم پیچیده خواهد شد. اندوک از واحدهای دفاع از مردم (YPG) که در جبهه ی جنوبی کوبانی ست هم گفته که نیروهای داعش تاکنون نتوانسته اند مبارزان کرد را شکست دهند. حمله ی داعش به کوبانی بدین جهت استراتژیک ارزیابی می شود که اگر این شهر سقوط کند، تمام کردستان سوریه در معرض تعرض جهادیان دولت اسلامی قرار می گیرد، کوباتی دروازه ی کردستان سوریه است.


یادآوری این نکته خالی از لطف نیست که کوبانی منطقه ایست که انقلاب کردهای سوریه برای خودگردانی یا کنفدرالیسم دمکراتیک برای خاورمیانه در ژوئیه ٢٠١٢ مطرح شد، انقلابی که اهدافی همچون دفاع از اقلیت های قومی، مذهبی و برابری زن و مرد را می خواهد. در حال حاضر بیش از صدهزار تن از مردم منطقه ی کوبانی به ترکیه پناه برده اند.

همانگونه که دولت اسلامی (داعش) هزاران تن جهادی را از چندین کشور جهان به عراق و سوریه آورده است، اکنون هزاران تن از نیروهای مختلف سوسیالیست، سندیکالیست، انقلابی زن و مرد و آنارشیست از ترکیه برای یاری به مقاومت به کوبانی می روند. این در حالی است که تلاش های ارتش ترکیه برای جلوگیری از آنان متوقف نمی گردد. در میان گروه هایی که برای دفاع از کوبانی به مرز ترکیه و سوریه می روند نیروهای گروهی از آنارشیست های ترکیه وجود دارند که نامشان عمل انقلابی آنارشیست (DAF) است. بیش تر این آنارشیست ها از استانبول به کوبانی رفته اند. این نیروها در چهارچوب عمل مستقیم آنارشیستی به کمک رسانی به مردم منطقه و دفاع از مقاومت علیه جهادیان دولت اسلامی (داعش) اقدام می کنند.

در زیر چند عکس از حضور آنارشیست ها در کوبانی قرار گرفته است:

 تهیه و تنظیم گزارش : نادر تیف – مهر ١۳٩۳ ، اکتبر ٢٠١۴